Abstract
The financial catastrophe of the early 1720s cast its shadow over the conceptualisation of friendship throughout Walpole’s regime; the issues of public hysteria and sociable management that it brought to the fore would remain significant in the key crises and discursive shifts characterising the era’s politics. As already proposed in Chapter 1, the violent reaction to Walpole’s Excise Bill of 1733 can be seen as echoing the earlier crisis, aptly demonstrating the lingering problems in conceiving of a particular friendship distinct from public markets of speculation, rumour or political comment. Such problems continued to occupy opposition writers like Pope, and his attempts to reconcile political intervention with friendly moral advice in the Epistle to Bathurst will be explored in the following chapter. However, perhaps more unexpectedly, this peak of public frenzy also posed serious questions of Court Whig writers, for whom friendship’s definition was inevitably dependent on the terms of their engagement with opposition arguments. In attempting to justify Walpole’s political system and their own position within it, the ministry’s apologists needed to rebut the accusation that the government operated principally through mechanisms of brib-ery. Yet, as an alternative explanation for the minister’s networks of power, the principle of disinterested friendship could prove not only unconvincing but positively threatening in its wider ramifications.
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Notes
See Targett, ‘Government and Ideology’, pp. 298–301; Gunn, ‘Court Whiggery’, pp. 132–41; Thomas Horne, ‘Politics in a Corrupt Society: William Arnall’s Defense of Robert Walpole’, Journal of the History of Ideas 41:4 (1980), 601–14.
[John, Lord Hervey], The Conduct of the Opposition, and the Tendency of Modern Patriotism (London: J. Peele, 1734).
Jill Campbell, ‘Politics and Sexuality in Portraits of John, Lord Hervey’, Word and Image 6:4 (1990), 281–97 (285). See also Paglia, ‘Lord Hervey and Pope’, pp. 363, 369.
See Browning, Political and Constitutional Ideas, pp. 32–4. For the foremost appraisals — and revisions — of Ciceronian thought within Court Whig discourse itself, see William Arnall, Clodius and Cicero (London: Printed for J. Peele, 1727).
Conyers Middleton, The History of the Life of Marcus Tullius Cicero, 2 vols. (London: Printed for W. Innys and R. Manby, 1741).
J. J. Peereboom concludes unhelpfully that Hervey’s artifice made the eighteenth century ‘not worth living in’. Less drastically, but no less judgementally, Romney Sedgwick swallows the opposition argument that Hervey’s moral being had been corrupted by Walpole’s ‘rationalised scoundrelism’. See J. J. Peereboom, ‘Hervey and the Facts as He Saw Them’, Costerus n.s. 64 (1987), 211–24 (220); Memoirs, I, lix.
William Coxe, Memoirs of the Life and Administration of Sir Robert Walpole, Earl of Orford, 3 vols. (London: Printed for T. Cadell and W. Davies, 1798), I, p. 757.
See Michael Harris, London Newspapers in the Age of Walpole (London: Associated University Presses, 1987), p. 116.
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© 2013 Emrys D. Jones
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Jones, E.D. (2013). Lord Hervey and the Limits of Court Whig Pragmatism. In: Friendship and Allegiance in Eighteenth-Century Literature. Palgrave Studies in the Enlightenment, Romanticism and Cultures of Print. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137300508_4
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