Abstract
On 23 May 1733, the young John Percival, later second Earl of Egmont, attended the levee of the de facto prime minister, Sir Robert Walpole. Percival was out of favour. He had recently dabbled in political opposition, and was widely known to be the author of a pamphlet attacking the government’s controversial plans for excise reform. Among the numerous aspects of Walpole’s administration that this work had criticised were its corruption, its reliance on placemen, the insidiousness of a political network held together more by promise of reward than by sincere public-spiritedness.1 For all of his high-minded rhetoric, it was this network that Percival sought to re-enter by visiting Walpole that morning.
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Notes
Naomi Tadmor, Family and Friends in Eighteenth-Century England: Household, Kinship, and Patronage (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), p. 174.
For general discussion of the first and most persistent theme — corruption — see Paul Langford, A Polite and Commercial People: England 1727–1783 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1989), pp. 19–22.
J. H. Plumb, Sir Robert Walpole: The King’s Minister (London: Cresset Press, 1960), pp. 325–33.
Edward Pearce, The Great Man: The Life and Times of Sir Robert Walpole (London: Jonathan Cape, 2007), pp. 1–2, 206–7. The second theme — virtue versus expediency — is implicit in H. T. Dickinson’s summary of the reasons for a schism in early eighteenth-century Whiggism: disagreement over the relative importance of ‘the need to protect individual liberty and the need to preserve public order’. The same idea is expressed by Reed Browning as the willingness of Court Whigs to dispense with ‘silly or wasteful or even harmful strictures’ in government.
See H. T. Dickinson, ‘Whiggism in the Eighteenth Century’, in The Whig Ascendancy: Colloquies on Hanoverian England, ed. John Cannon (London: Edward Arnold, 1981), pp. 28–44 (43).
Reed Browning, Political and Constitutional Ideas of the Court Whigs (London: Louisiana State University Press, 1982), p. 11.
For the potential perception of political opposition as inherently unlawful or treasonous, see H. T. Dickinson, Liberty and Property: Political Ideology in Eighteenth-Century Britain (London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1977), pp. 152, 175.
Quentin Skinner, ‘The Principles and Practice of Opposition: The Case of Bolingbroke versus Walpole’, in Historical Perspectives: Studies in English Thought and Society in Honour of J. H. Plumb, ed. Neil McKendrick (London: Europa Publications, 1974), pp. 93–128 (110).
For the opposition’s particular vulnerability to charges of ideological variegation or inconsistency, see Linda Colley, In Defiance of Oligarchy: The Tory Party 1714–1760 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982), pp. 91, 213.
Alexander Pettit, Illusory Consensus: Bolingbroke and the Polemical Response to Walpole, 1730–1737 (Newark: University of Delaware Press, 1997), pp. 15–16.
The necessity of defining private virtue alongside public benefit is affirmed within Peter N. Miller’s overview of the dual Ciceronian tradition that influenced attempts to formulate theories of the common good: ‘The clash between honestum [the honest] and utile [the useful] is pin-pointed as the debate most characteristic of the early modern state.’ Peter N. Miller, Defining the Common Good: Empire, Religion and Philosophy in Eighteenth-Century Britain (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), p. 18.
See Romney Sedgwick’s profile of John Percival, first Earl of Egmont in The House of Commons 1715–1754, 2 vols. (London: Her Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1970), II, p. 338.
For the impossibility of winning the government stronghold of Harwich without Walpole’s support, see Ruth and Albert Saye, ‘John Percival, First Earl of Egmont’, in Georgians in Profile, ed. Horace Montgomery (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1958), pp. 1–16 (15). See also Percival’s contempt for Ralph Courteville — one of ‘Sir Robert’s creatures’ — in Percival, II, p. 101.
Percival was made Earl of Egmont on 6 November 1733. See John Lodge, The Peerage of Ireland: or, A Genealogical History of the Present Nobility of that Kingdom, rev. Mervyn Archdall, 7 vols. (Dublin: James Moore, 1789), II, p. 262.
Jürgen Habermas, The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere: An Inquiry into a Category of Bourgeois Society, trans. Thomas Burger (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1991; originally published, 1962).
See T. C. W. Blanning, The Culture of Power and the Power of Culture: Old Regime Europe 1660–1789 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), pp. 12–14.
James Van Horn Melton, The Rise of the Public in Enlightenment Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), p. 12.
For instance, Mark Knights questions Habermas’s ‘stress on the rationality of the early public sphere’ but affirms that ‘there is clearly something of value in the notion of a new force of public opinion emerging in the early modern period’. Brian Cowan sets out to be more critical of Habermas, arguing against a historical narrative in which coffeehouse culture is reduced to ‘an indicator of the inexorable progress of British politics away from royalist absolutism and its modern counterpart totalitarian dictatorship and toward a liberal parliamentary democracy’. Yet he also concedes that the coffeehouse ‘created a precedent for a recognizably modern type of consumer culture which valorizes fantasy and ephemerality over permanence and the fixing of social boundaries’. Such statements are consistent with, albeit more perspicacious than, Habermas’s paradigms. See Mark Knights, Representation and Misrepresentation in Later Stuart Britain: Partisanship and Political Culture (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005), p. 51.
Brian Cowan, The Social Life of Coffee: The Emergence of the British Coffeehouse (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2005), pp. 120, 148.
Also Brian Cowan, ‘Geoffrey Holmes and the Public Sphere: Augustan Historiography from Post-Namierite to the Post-Habermasian’, Parliamentary History Yearbook: British Politics in the Age of Holmes (Chichester: Wiley-Blackwell, 2009), pp. 166–78.
Moyra Haslett, Pope to Burney, 1714–1779 (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003), p. 112. See also, Nicola Parsons, Reading Gossip in Early Eighteenth-Century England (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009).
Patricia Meyer Spacks, Privacy: Concealing the Eighteenth-Century Self (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2003).
Cowan, ‘Geoffrey Holmes and the Public Sphere’, p. 168; Philip Lawson, ‘Hanoverian Studies: The Impact of Recent Trends on Parliamentary History’, Parliamentary History 7:1 (1988), 130–8 (132).
Sir Lewis Namier, The Structure of Politics at the Accession of George III (London: Macmillan, 1929; 2nd edition, 1957), xi.
Robert Walcott, English Politics in the Early Eighteenth Century (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1956).
Dickinson, ‘Whiggism in the Eighteenth Century’, p. 42; B. W. Hill, The Growth of Parliamentary Parties 1689–1742 (London: George Allen & Unwin, 1976), p. 227. See also William Speck, ‘Whigs and Tories Dim their Glories: English Political Parties under the first two Georges’, in Cannon, ed., Whig Ascendancy, pp. 51–70; Dickinson, Liberty and Property, pp. 1–10.
See Charles Bechdolt Realey, The Early Opposition to Sir Robert Walpole 1720–1727 (Lawrence, KS: University of Kansas, 1931), p. 43.
J. G. A. Pocock, The Machiavellian Moment: Florentine Political Thought and the Atlantic Republican Tradition (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1975), p. 446.
J. C. D. Clark, Samuel Johnson: Literature, Religion and English Cultural Politics from the Restoration to Romanticism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), p. 7.
R. W. Davis, ‘Introduction’ in Lords of Parliament: Studies 1714–1914, ed. R. W. Davis (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1995), pp. 1–8 (3).
For general overviews of Court Whiggism as distinct from the traditions of Country Whiggism, see Dickinson, Liberty and Property, pp. 169–92; Browning, Political and Constitutional Ideas, p. 11; J. A. W. Gunn, Factions No More: Attitudes to Party in Government and Opposition in Eighteenth-Century England (London: Frank Cass, 1972), pp. 6, 22.
J. A. W. Gunn, ‘Court Whiggery: Justifying Innovation’, in Politics, Politeness, and Patriotism, ed. Gordon J. Schochet (Washington, DC: The Folger Institute, 1993), pp. 125–56 (126).
J. G. A Pocock, Virtue, Commerce, and History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985), p. 232. Pocock additionally distinguishes between old Whigs and new Whigs.
See Knights, Representation and Misrepresentation, p. 55; Lawrence E. Klein, ‘Joseph Addison’s Whiggism’, in “Cultures of Whiggism”: New Essays on English Literature and Culture in the Long Eighteenth Century, ed. David Womersley (Newark: University of Delaware Press, 2005), pp. 108–26 (108).
Lawrence E. Klein, Shaftesbury and the Culture of Politeness (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), pp. 12, 153.
Markku Peltonen, ‘Whiggism and Politeness: 1680–1732’, The Historical Journal 48 (2005), 391–414 (395).
Nicholas Phillipson, ‘Politeness and Politics in the Reigns of Anne and the Early Hanoverians’, in The Varieties of British Political Thought 1500–1800, ed. J. G. A. Pocock (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), pp. 211–45 (225–6).
See Ophelia Field, The Kit-Cat Club: Friends Who Imagined a Nation (London: HarperCollins, 2008), p. 393.
See also Field, The Kit-Cat Club, pp. 153–4. For her understanding of political stabilisation in early eighteenth-century England, Field is mostly indebted to J. H. Plumb, The Growth of Stability in England: 1675–1725 (London: Macmillan, 1967).
David Nokes, ‘Pope’s Friends and Enemies: Fighting with Shadows’, in The Cambridge Companion to Alexander Pope, ed. Pat Rogers (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), pp. 25–36 (25).
Brean S. Hammond, Pope and Bolingbroke: A Study of Friendship and Influence (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1984), p. 1.
Maynard Mack, Alexander Pope: A Life (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1985), pp. 186–7.
Maynard Mack, The Garden and the City: Retirement and Politics in the Later Poetry of Pope, 1731–43 (London: Oxford University Press, 1969), p. 30.
Hester Jones, ‘Pope’s Friendship: The Shadow of Homer’, in Alexander Pope: World and Word, ed. Howard Erskine-Hill (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998), pp. 55–68 (55–6).
Lawrence Lee Davidow, ‘Pope’s Verse Epistles: Friendship and the Private Sphere of Life’, Huntington Library Quarterly 40 (1977), 151–70 (151–2).
For Pope’s machinations in getting his own correspondence published, see Paul Baines and Pat Rogers, Edmund Curll, Bookseller (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), pp. 273–6.
James McLaverty, ‘The First Printing and Publication of Pope’s Letters’, The Library 6th series 2 (1980), 264–80.
Alexander Pope, Letters of Mr. Alexander Pope, and Several of his Friends (London: Printed by J. Wright for J. Knapton, L. Gilliver, J. Brindley and R. Dodsley, 1737).
The preface to the latter, justifying the publication, is particularly notable for its thanks to both the ‘Friends’ and the ‘Enemies’ of the author, gratitude which reflects upon the peculiarly public nature of the correspondence contained therein. For Pope’s own posthumous role in the publication of Bolingbroke’s Idea, and Bolingbroke’s reaction to that publication, see Fannie E. Ratchford, ‘Pope and the Patriot King’, Texas Studies in English 6 (1926), 157–77.
Giles Barber, ‘Bolingbroke, Pope, and the Patriot King’, The Library 5th series 19 (1964), 67–89.
For further examples of private works composed and arranged as if with an eye to posthumous publication, see Isobel Grundy, Lady Mary Wortley Montagu (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999), pp. 611–12.
Robert Halsband, ‘Hervey’s Memoirs as Autobiography’, Studies in Eighteenth-Century Culture 3 (1973), 183–90.
Margaret J. M. Ezell, ‘The Posthumous Publication of Women’s Manuscripts and the History of Authorship’, in Women’s Writing and the Circulation of Ideas: Manuscript Publication in England, 1550–1800, ed. George L. Justice and Nathan Tinker (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002), pp. 121–36 (126–7).
See Lois G. Schwoerer, ‘Women’s Public Political Voice in England: 1640–1740’, in Women Writers and the Early Modern British Political Tradition, ed. Hilda L. Smith (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), pp. 56–74.
See ‘An Expedient to put a Stop to the Spreading Vice of Corruption’ (c.1734) and The Nonsense of Common-Sense 1–9 (1737–8) in Essays and Poems and Simplicity, A Comedy, ed. Robert Halsband and Isobel Grundy (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1977), pp. 100–49. Lord Hervey refers to Lady Mary’s offers of assistance to Walpole in a letter from June 1740 in The Complete Letters of Lady Mary Wortley Montagu, ed. Robert Halsband, 3 vols. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1965), II, p. 195.
For Lord Hervey’s relationship with Stephen Fox and speculation about other affairs, see Lucy Moore, Amphibious Thing: The Life of Lord Hervey (London: Viking, 2000), p. 229.
For general material on the intertwining of male friendship and homosexual love see George E. Haggerty, ‘Male Love and Friendship in the Eighteenth Century’, in Love and Intimacy Between Men, 1550–1800, ed. Katherine O’Donnell and Michael O’Rourke (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003), pp. 70–81.
Alan Bray, The Friend (London: University of Chicago Press, 2003).
Eve Kosofsky Sedgwick, English Literature and Male Homosocial Desire (New York: Columbia University Press, 1985).
For the most outspoken allegations against Hervey, prompting the famous duel between him and Pulteney, see [William Pulteney], A Proper Reply to a Late Scurrilous Libel, entitled Scandal and Defamation Display’d (London: Printed for R. Francklin, 1731). The Lewis Walpole Library at Yale University possesses homoerotic poetry written by Sir Charles Hanbury Williams, a friend of Hervey’s. See CHW MSS 69, fol. 19, ‘Ode to Horatio Townshend’, partially quoted in Hannah Smith and Stephen Taylor, ‘Hephaestion and Alexander: Lord Hervey, Frederick, Prince of Wales, and the Royal Favourite in England in the 1730s’, English Historical Review 124:507 (2009), 283–312. This article will be discussed at more length in Chapter 5.
For readings of Hervey’s historical significance primarily concerned with his sexuality, see Camille A. Paglia, ‘Lord Hervey and Pope’, Eighteenth Century Studies 6:3 (1973), 348–71.
James R. Dubro, ‘The Third Sex: Lord Hervey and his Coterie’, Eighteenth-Century Life 2:4 (1976), 89–95.
Tom MacFaul has provided a somewhat artificial, but nonetheless useful, distinction between Ciceronian and Aristotelian views of friendship based upon their relative flexibility: the Ciceronian mode is perceived as more rigorous and idealistic, whereas Aristotle allows for more inferior forms. MacFaul also charts the rediscovery of ‘true’ friendship by Renaissance humanists like Desiderius Erasmus, but notes the persistent philosophical fragility of the idea and its resistance to exact definition. See Tom MacFaul, Male Friendship in Shakespeare and his Contemporaries (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), pp. 1–9. Key texts for friendship’s classical and Renaissance formulation include but are by no means restricted to: Plato’s Lysis; Books VIII and IX of Aristotle’s Nicomachean Ethics; Cicero’s De Amicitia and Book I of his De Officiis; Seneca’s De Beneficiis; Erasmus’s Amicitia; Montaigne’s ‘On Friendship’; and Francis Bacon’s ‘Of Friendship’.
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Jones, E.D. (2013). Introduction. In: Friendship and Allegiance in Eighteenth-Century Literature. Palgrave Studies in the Enlightenment, Romanticism and Cultures of Print. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137300508_1
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