Abstract
The legacy of Reformation encompassed innovation as well as destruction, accommodation and transformation. The urban memoranda of Henry Machyn speak to a conceptual cityscape centred upon loss but the cultural upheavals of the period also provided the impetus to seek new ways of understanding and representing London. The project of representing London in textual form encouraged authors to examine the multiple operations that might make up a city. They shared the epistemological challenges of knowing London with those developing new methods of information gathering who confronted the difficulties of translating information into knowledge formats useful for civic administration. To write the city was to configure it; to construct on the page the relations between a cast of constituent elements and to anatomise the mechanics of their interrelationship, identifying the driving forces of urban life. To do so was also to call into question the praxis of urban community, examining in what forms community was realised within the structures of city life and so bringing under scrutiny the very meaning of urban society.
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Notes
Sir Thomas Elyot (1541) The image ofgouernance, fol. 27r. On Aristotelian ideas of the city see Richard L. Kagan (1998) ‘Urbs and Civitas in Sixteenthand Seventeenth-Century Spain’ in David Buisseret (ed.) Envisioning the City: Six Studies in Urban Cartography (Chicago: University of Chicago Press), pp. 75–108; on the dissemination of Aristotle see Richard Tuck (1993) Philosophy and Government, 1572–1651 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press), pp. 6–12.
William Smith, ‘A Breeff Description of the Famous and Bewtifull Cittie of Noremberg’, (1594), BL Add ms 78167, fol. 13r. This appears to be Burghley’s presentation copy, although the title-page gives the author as ‘W. S Rouge-dragon’, a title he did not enjoy until 1598. A copy dedicated to George Carey is Lambeth Palace Library ms 508. On Burghley’s interest in the uses of geographical materials see Peter Barber (1992) ‘England II: monarchs, ministers and maps, 1550–1625’ in David Buisseret (ed.) Monarchs, Ministers and Maps: The Emergence of Cartography as a Tool of Government in Early Modern Europe (Chicago and London: University of Chicago), pp. 57–98.
Peter Burke (2000) A Social History of Knowledge from Gutenberg to Diderot (Cambridge: Polity Press), p. 118.
Edward Worsop (1582) A Discoverie of Sundrie Errours and faults daily committed by Landemeaters, sigs. E3v—E4.
Deborah Harkness (2007) The Jewel House: Elizabethan London and the Scientific Revolution (New Haven and London: Yale University Press).
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Paul Slack (1985) The Impact of Plague in Tudor and Stuart England (Oxford: Clarendon Press), pp. 148–9; John Graunt (1662) Natural and Political Observations … upon the Bills of Mortality.
Poovey, History of the Modern Fact, p. 29. No contemporary plague bills survive from this early period although varying figures for the 1563 outbreak are given in later comparatively-structured bills, e.g. Anon (1583) The Number ofAll Those That Died [STC 16738.5], or Chettle (1603) A True Bill of the whole number that hath died [STC 16743.2]. Smith’s source is likely to be a work he also draws on in the Cronologia, John Stow (1575) A Summarie of the Chronicles of England, p. 511.
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See Mark Jenner (2000) ‘From Conduit Community to Commercial Network? Water in London, 1500–1725’ in Paul Griffiths and Mark Jenner (eds) Londinopolis: Essays in the Cultural and Social History of Early Modem London (Manchester: Manchester University Press), pp. 250–72.
See Robert Darnton (1984) ‘A Bourgeois Puts his World in Order: The City as a Text’ in The Great Cat Massacre And Other Episodes in French Cultural History (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1984), pp. 105–40.
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Pierre Bourdieu (1984) Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgement of Taste, trans. Richard Nice (London: Routledge), p. 76. See also the analysis of ‘strategies of heirship’ in Jack Goody (1976) Production and Reproduction: A Comparative Study of the Domestic Domain (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press), pp. 86–98.
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John Hooker ([1575]) Orders enacted for the Orphans and for their portions within the Citie of Exester, fol. 33v. Hooker, the city chamberlain, was himself the driving force behind the foundation of Exeter’s Court of Orphans. Charles Carlton (1973) ‘John Hooker and Exeter’s Court of Orphans’, Huntington Library Quarterly, 36, 307–16.
Vivien Brodsky Elliott (1981) ‘Single Women in the London Marriage Market: Age, Status and Mobility, 1598–1619’ in R. B. Outhwaite (ed.) Marriage and Society: Studies in the Social History of Marriage (London: Europa), pp. 81–100, p. 90.
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Valerie Pearl (1961) London and the Outbreak of the Puritan Revolution (Oxford: Oxford University Press), p. 332. Carlton sets out the procedures
Betty Travitsky (1980) “‘The wyll and testament” of Isabella Whitney’, English Literary Renaissance, 10, 76–95.
Ann Rosalind Jones (1990) The Currency of Eros: Women’s Love Lyric in Europe 1540–1620 (Bloomington: Indiana University Press), pp. 36–52; Wendy Wall (1991) ‘Isabella Whitney and the Female Legacy’, ELH, 58, 35–62; Lorna Hutson (1994) The Usurer’s Daughter (London: Routledge), pp. 122–8; Patrick Cheney (2011) Reading Sixteenth-Century Poetry (Oxford: Blackwell), pp. 142–5, 231–40.
R. J. Fehrenbach (1981) ‘Isabella Whitney and the Popular Miscellany of Richard Jones’, Cahiers Elisabethiennes, 19, p. 85.
Hutson, Usurer’s Daughter, pp. 122–8; idem (1998) ‘Les femmes écrivent d’amitie: Le Sweet Nosgay d’Isabella Whitney (1573)’ in R. Marienstras and Dominique Guy-Blanquet (eds) Shakespeare, la Renaissance et l’amitie (Picardie: C. E. R. L. A.), pp. 149–68.
Patricia Phillippy (1998) ‘The Maid’s Lawful Liberty: Service, the Household, and “Mother B” in Isabella Whitney’s “A Sweet Nosegay”’, Modern Philology, 95/4, 439–62; Laurie Ellinghausen (2005) ‘Literary Property and the Single Woman in Isabella Whitney’s A Sweet Nosegay’, SEL, 45/1, 1–22.
See Amy M. Froide (2005) Never Married: Singlewomen in Early Modem England (Oxford: Oxford University Press). Froide’s study explores samples of never married women’s wills, and posits that ‘single-women of all socio-economic backgrounds, and not just the wealthy, may have been more inclined to make a will since they had no heir’, p. 45.
Eber Carle Perrow (1913) ‘The Last Will and Testament as a Form of Literature’, Transactions of the Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts, and Letters, 17/1, 6, 682–753; Julia Boffey (1992) ‘Lydgate, Henryson, and the Literary Testament’, Modem Language Quarterly, 53, 41–56; Edward Wilson (1994) ‘The Testament of the Buck and the Sociology of the Text’, RES, 45/178, 157–84.
Laura Gowing (2000) ‘The Freedom of the Streets: Women and Social Space, 1560–1640’ in Paul Griffiths and Mark Jenner (eds) Londinopolis: Essays in the Cultural and Social Histoiy ofEarly Modem London (Manchester: Manchester University Press), pp. 130–51, esp. pp. 138–40.
Although Betty Travitsky has suggested that Whitney’s poem served as a model for Gascoigne, the evidence clearly indicates that Gascoigne’s text was completed first. Both printed texts are dated 1573, but printing of Gascoigne’s work is known to have begun in January, while the only information about Whitney’s text is the printer’s dedication dated October 1573. Betty Travitsky (2004) ‘Whitney, Isabella (fl. 1566–1573)’, ODNB [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/45498 (accessed 26 March 2009)].
Danielle Clarke (2001) The Politics of Early Modem Women’s Writing (London: Longman), p. 203.
Jill Phillips Ingram (2006) Idioms of Self-Interest: Credit, Identity and Property in English Renaissance Literature (New York & London: Routledge), pp. 82–3; Wilson, ‘The Testament of the Buck’, passim.
J. S. W. Helt (2000) ‘Women, Memory and Will-making in Elizabethan England’ in Bruce Gordon and Peter Marshall (eds) The Place of the Dead in Early Modem England (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press), pp. 188–205, p. 195.
Stephen Hamrick (2009) The Catholic Imaginary and the Cults of Elizabeth 1558–1582 (Farnham: Ashgate), p. 85.
Jonathan Gil Harris (1998) Foreign Bodies and the Body Politic (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press), p. 90.
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Gordon, A. (2013). Contesting Inheritance: William Smith and Isabella Whitney. In: Writing Early Modern London. Early Modern Literature in History. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137294920_3
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