Abstract
When Berlusconi became Italian Prime Minister on June 11, 2001 (for the second time), Putin succeeded in establishing a—very—close personal relationship with the new Italian leader. He and his wife Lyudmila soon became welcome guests at Berlusconi’s summer residence in Porto Rotondo in Sardinia and Putin even sent in 2002 his two teenage daughters Misha and Katya there to spend their summer holidays. According to the local Sardinian newspaper La nuova Sardegna Putin felt so at ease in Sardinia that he bought in 2003 a €10-million property in Porto Cervo, a resort that is extremely popular among Russian billionaires. But Putin was prudent enough not to put the property in his own name.2 Sharing holidays and the fact of being almost neighbors in the Italian island, strengthened their mutual bond. The personal chemistry between the two men was so excellent that Anna Politkovskaya, ironically, wrote that Berlusconi “appears to have fallen in love with Putin.”3 Berlusconi became in a sense Putin’s self-appointed ambassador in Europe and he “once went so far as to describe himself as Russia’s ‘advocate’ in the EU.”4 Berlusconi was even more than a simple “ambassador” or “advocate.” Nikolay Petrov of the Moscow Carnegie Center placed Berlusconi in Putin’s “inner circle” of his 12 most intimate partners.5
Let’s talk about football and women.1
Silvio Berlusconi
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Notes
Cf. “Russia’s Super Rich Feel at Home on Sardinia.” Available at http://engforum.pravda.ru/index.php?/topic/72756-russias-super-rich-feel-at-horne-onsardinia/. Cf. also Boris Reitschuster (2008) Der neue Herr im Kreml? Dmitrij Medwedew (Berlin: Econ), p. 221.
A. Politkovskaya (2007) Putin’s Russia—Life in a Failing Democracy (New York: A Metropolitan / Owl Book), p. 232.
N. Petrov, “The Nomenklatura and the Elite,” in M. Lipman and N. Petrov (eds) (2011) Russia in 2020—Scenarios for the Future (Washington, DC and Moscow: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace), p. 517. Berlusconi finds himself here among heavyweights of the regime, such as Kudrin, Fursenko, Abrarnovich, Sechin, and Sobyanin.
Q. Peel (April 17, 2008) “Business Ties Bind Putin to Berlusconi,” Financial Times.
A. Come (March 4, 2011) “On Putin, Berlusconi and Chimpanzees,” open Democracy.
A. Gylden and A. Chevelkina (October 15, 2011) “Super-Poutine—héros de corn,” L’Express, No. 3144.
W. Stewart and L. Eccles (September 27, 2011) “From Russia with Botox: Has Putin had a Facelift … or Just Plenty of Sleep? Mystery as Bags Under Eyes Vanish,” MailOnline.
A. Ignatius (December 19, 2007) “A Tsar Is Born,” Time.
R. Evans, L. Harding, and J. Hooper (December 2, 2010) “WikiLeaks Cables: Berlusconi ‘Profited from Secret Deals’ with Putin,” The Guardian.
Cf. P. Ginsborg (2001) Italy and Its Discontents-Family, Civil Society, State, 1980–2001 (London and New York: Penguin Books), p. 317.
N. Bobbio, “Separatismo liberale,” in N. Bobbio (2008) Contro i nuovi dispotismi-Scritti sul berlusconismo (Pari: Édizioni Dedalo), p. 13.
P. Ginsborg (2005) Silvio Berlusconi: Television, Power and Patrimony (London: Verso), p. 156. Ginsborg gives the following example of the new text that follows “objective criteria.” The text refers to the first decades of Italian unity after 1870: “The men of the Right were aristocrats and great landowners. They entered politics with the sole intention of serving the State (…). The men of the Left, on the other hand, are [note change of tense] professionals, entrepreneurs and lawyers, ready to further their careers in any way” (ibid.).
P. Musso (2011) Sarkoberlusconisme-la crise finale? (La Tour d’Aigues: Éditions de l’aube), p. 51.
N. Farrell (September 13, 2003) “Diary,” The Spectator.
N. Squires (May 28, 2010) “Silvio Berlusconi Compares Himself to Mussolini,” The Telegraph.
In November 2003, when Fini visited Israel as deputy Prime Minister, he would categorize Mussolini’s racial laws as “infamous.” (Cf. G. Anselmi (November 25, 2003) “L’uscita di Fini dall’ambiguità,” La Repubblica).
P. Ginsborg (2010) Salviamo Italia (Torino: Giulio Einaudi Editore), p. 102.
R. Simone (2010) Il Mostro Mite-Perché l’Occidente non va a sinistra (Milano: Garzanti), pp. 71–72.
According to Karl Polanyi, “the inability of the world market to absorb Russia’s agricultural produce, forced her reluctantly into the paths of self-sufficiency. Socialism in one country was brought about by the incapacity of market economy to provide a link between all countries; what appeared as Russian autarchy was merely the passing of capitalist internationalism” (K. Polanyi (1957) The Great Transformation—The Political and Economic Origins of Our Time, with an introduction by R. M. Maclver (Boston: Beacon Press), p. 248).
A. Gibelli (2011) Berlusconi ou la démocratie autoritaire (Paris: Éditions Belin), p. 128.
Cf. A. Blomfield (December 21, 2007) “$40 bn Putin ‘is Now Europe’s Richest Man’”, The Telegraph.
A. Higgins, G. Chazan, and A. Cullison (June 11, 2008) “Secretive Associate of Putin Emerges as Czar of Russian Oil Trading,” The Wall Street Journal.
C. Clover (December 2, 2010) “Oil Trading Group Gunvor Denies Putin Links,” Financial Times.
C. Stewart (July 10, 2008) “Bank Rossiya Emerges From Shadows,” Moscow Times.
Cf. M. Jégo (April 6, 2011) “Confrontée à une fuite record de capitaux, la Russie tente de moderniser son économie,” Le Monde.
F. Varese (1994) “Is Sicily the Future of Russia? Private Protection and the Rise of the Russian Mafia,” Archives Européennes de Sociologie, Vol. XXXV, pp. 224–258.
M. Naim (May–June 2012) “Mafia States—Organized Crime Takes Office,” Foreign Affairs, Vol. 91, No. 3, p. 104.
M. B. Khodorkovsky (January 29, 2010) “A Time and a Place for Russia,” The New York Times.
S. Schmemann (November 22, 2011) “A Discussion of Russia’s Future is Long on Pessimism,” The New York Times.
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© 2013 Marcel H. Van Herpen
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Van Herpen, M.H. (2013). Putinism and Berlusconism. In: Putinism. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137282811_12
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