Abstract
Day IV opens with a surprise. Temporarily dissolving the narrative frame, the author addresses his readers directly. He amiably defends his own Decameron against a host of literary maligners and detractors—shades of Lauretta’s second lover—and argues that his effort to court and amuse female readers makes him a true child of nature—the great engine that drew men to women in the first place. To illustrate the power exerted by nature, the author takes the unusual step of telling a story himself. He recounts the tale of Filippo Balducci, who travels to Florence with his adolescent son. Since age two, the boy has been sequestered in a hermit’s cell and deprived of worldly knowledge. After some reflection, Filippo decides to take the boy into the city, whose noble buildings thrill the lad’s untutored eyes. Then father and son run into a group of young women. Filippo’s son asks what they are, and Filippo replies,
“Figliuol mio, bassa gli occhi in terra, non le guatare, ch’elle son mala cosa.”
Disse allora il figliuolo: “O come si chiamano?”
Il padre, per non destare nel concupiscibile appetito del giovane alcuno inchinevole disiderio men che utile, non le volle nominare per lo proprio nome, cioè femine, ma disse: “Elle si chiamano papere.”
Maravigliosa cosa a udire! Colui che mai piú alcuna veduta non avea, non curatosi de’ palagi, non del bue, non del cavallo, non dell’asino, non de’ danari né d’altra cosa che veduta avesse, subitamente disse: “Padre mio, io vi priego che voi facciate che io abbia una di quelle papere.”
alle cui leggi, cioè della natura, voler contastare troppo gran forze bisognano, e spesse volte non solamente in vano ma con grandissimo danno del faticante s’adoperano.
[whose laws (that is, Nature’s) cannot be resisted without exceptional strength, and they are often resisted not only in vain but with very great damage to the strength of the one who attempts to do so.]
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Notes
Cicero revisits the Aristotelian concept of megalopsychia, using the terms magnitudo animi and magnanimitas (his coinage); but, breaking with Aristotle, holds that this virtue can exist only when combined with philosophical understanding (De officiis, I.19, 62–66). See also James Fetter and Walter Nicgorski, “Magnanimity and Statemanship: The Ciceronian Difference,” in Magnanimity and Statesmanship, ed. Carson Holloway (Lanham, Maryland: Lexington Books, 2008), pp. 29–48.
On Cicero and human equality, see Nicgorski, “Cicero: a Social Contract Thinker?” Paper delivered at the 2005 Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association, Washington D.C., September 1–4, 2005 (available on JSTOR).
Also Aquinas: Moral, Political, and Legal Theory, by John Finnis (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998), pp. 136f. Brunetto and Dante take up the theme via the related idea that true nobility lies in virtuous behavior rather than noble descent. Brunetto see Tresor II. 54 and 114;
Dante see Convivio IV. 29. For background on Brunetto and Dante, see John M. Najemy, A History of Florence 1200–1575 (Oxford: Blackwell, 2006), p. 57.
Cicero’s contribution to modern liberal democracy is now universally acknowledged by historians. On his originality and influence, see Robert T. Radford, Cicero: A Study in the Origins of Republican Philosophy (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 2002), pp. 73f.;
and Neal Wood, Cicero’s Social and Political Thought (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988), pp. 68, 90, and 120;
Michael Grant, ed., Selected Writings of Cicero (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1971), Introduction;
and Marcia Colish, “Cicero, Ambrose and Stoic Ethics: Transmission or Transformation?” in The Classics in the Middles Ages, ed. Aldo S. Bernardo and Saul Levin Binghamton, New York: Medieval and Renaissance Texts and Studies, 1990, vol. 69), pp. 95–112. For Cicero’s influence on the French Revolution,
see Camille Desmoulins, Histoire Des Brissotins Ou Fragment De L’histoire Secréte De La Revolution, in Oeuvres De Camille Desmoulins, vol. 1 (Paris: Charpentier, 1874), p. 309.
We have substituted “clergy” here for Musa/Bondanella’s “monks.” Actually “religiosi” can refer to all members of the clergy, as the Payne/Singleton translation attests. Boccaccio, Decameron (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1982), vol. I, p. 305.
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© 2012 Michaela Paasche Grudin and Robert Grudin
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Grudin, M.P., Grudin, R. (2012). Reason’s Debt to Passion: Day IV. In: Boccaccio’s Decameron and the Ciceronian Renaissance. The New Middle Ages. Palgrave Macmillan, New York. https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137056849_5
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