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Shame and Guilt, Now and Then

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Book cover Shame and Guilt in Chaucer

Part of the book series: The New Middle Ages ((TNMA))

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Abstract

This book explores Chaucer’s representation of the primary emotions of penitence, shame and guilt, in order to contextualize his engagement with late medieval penitential theology in the light of modern theories of shame and affect. By focusing on the emotions and psychology of penitence, I show that the central questions and problems underlying medieval debates about contrition and confession, from Augustine1 to Wyclif, shape even Chaucer’s secular texts, such as the House of Fame, Troilus and Criseyde, and his tales of pagan antiquity and romance. In all of these texts, and in The Canterbury Tales as a whole, Chaucer dramatizes an inverse relation between the shame a person feels, or is subject to, and the possibility of representing his or her moral culpability, either in narrative or in confessional terms: shame pervades Chaucer’s texts but guilt is largely invisible, inaccessible, or resistant to full disclosure. In tracing Chaucer’s treatment of shame and guilt, therefore, this book shows how the ethics of affect lie at the heart of Chaucer’s poetics, alongside a profound skepticism about the possibility of making a full and honest confession.

The malice of the act was base and I loved it—that is to say I loved my own undoing, I loved the evil in me—not the thing for which I did the evil, simply the evil: my soul was depraved and hurled itself down from security in You into utter destruction, seeking no profit from wickedness but only to be wicked.

—St. Augustine, Confessions

Shame is the feeling of an original fall not because of the fact that I may have committed this or that particular fault but simply that I have “fallen” into the world in the midst of things and that I need the mediation of others in order to be what I am.

—Jean-Paul Sartre, Being and Nothingness

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Notes

  1. Katherine C. Little, Confession and Resistance: Defining the Self in Late Medieval England (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 2006), p. 3.

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  4. See also Jerry Root, Space to Speke: The Confessional Subject in Medieval Literature, American University Series II: Romance Languages and Literature (New York: Peter Lang, 1997).

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  35. June Tangney makes this point explicitly, and argues in favour of guilt’s positive ethical potential on the basis of an impressive amount and range of clinical data. Ref lecting on decades of clinical studies, Tangney observes that “shame-prone individuals appear relatively more likely to blame others (as well as themselves) for negative events, more prone to a seething, bitter, resentful kind of anger and hostility, and less able to empathize with others in general. Guilt, on the other hand, may not be that bad after all. Guilt-prone individuals appear better able to empathize with others and to accept responsibility for negative interpersonal events. They are relatively less prone to anger than their shame-prone peers—but when angry, these individuals appear more likely to express their anger in a fairly direct … manner” (June Price Tangney and Ronda L. Dearing, Shame and Guilt, Emotions and Social Behaviour Series [New York: Guilford, 2004], p. 3).

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  36. James Gilligan, “Shame, Guilt and Violence,” Social Research 70 (2003): 1154. Gilligan’s work with prison inmates has led him to produce some powerful arguments on the differences between shame and guilt, and about the connection between shame and violence. In short, Gilligan argues “that the basic psychological motive, or cause, of violent behaviour is the wish to ward off or eliminate the feeling of shame and humiliation—a feeling that is painful and can even be intolerable and overwhelming—and replace it with its opposite, the feeling of pride” (1154).

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  37. Martha C. Nussbaum, Hiding from Humanity: Disgust, Shame, and the Law (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2004), p. 207.

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  40. Pitt-Rivers, “Honour and Social Status,” in Honour and Shame, p. 29. Compare Pitt-Rivers’s observations of Andalusian society with more recent work on inner-city gangs. Sociologist Elijah Anderson discusses the culture of gang violence in Philadelphia: “the street culture has evolved a “code of the street,” which amounts to a set of informal rules … of behavior organized around a desperate search for respect, that governs public social relations, especially violence … At the heart of the code is the issue of respect—loosely defined as being treated “right” or being granted one’s … proper due, or the deference one deserves … [R]espect is viewed as almost an external entity, one that is hard-won but easily lost—and so must constantly be guarded” (Code of the Street: Decency, Violence, and the Moral Life of the Inner City [New York: W.W. Norton, 1999], p. 33). Further on, Anderson notes that there “is a general sense that very little respect is to be had, and therefore everyone competes to get what affirmation he can from what is available. The resulting craving for respect gives people thin skins and short fuses” (p.75). The aptness of Pitt-Rivers’s discussion of Mediterranean shame culture for what Anderson describes here is remarkable, and suggests indeed that “what is called shame represents a universal human capacity that everywhere reveals its generic core” (Epstein, qtd. in Elspeth Probyn, Blush: Faces of Shame [Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2005], p. 30).

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© 2012 Anne McTaggart

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McTaggart, A. (2012). Shame and Guilt, Now and Then. In: Shame and Guilt in Chaucer. The New Middle Ages. Palgrave Macmillan, New York. https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137039521_1

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