Abstract
There is a major reconfiguration of state–society relations happening in the Arab Gulf states, and it is not the result of a protest movement for democratic reform. The larger process at work has been progressing since the 1970s, when Gulf states declared their independence from the trucial relationships with Great Britain. It is a process of state building, both in institutional capacity and in state identity formation. While the Arab Spring has necessitated a response from Gulf states, in some places a brutal crackdown on protesters, in others a silencing of civil society groups, all have reacted with the tried and true policy of patronage, increases in social benefits to increasingly minority citizen populations among large expatriate workers. Patronage politics, or the commonly understood practice of rentierism, is a limited domestic framework for understanding policymaking. It assumes certain homogeneity within the domestic political sphere and does not explain the variance and competing pressures of federal politics and international constraints. These patronage remedies from the center can be seen as the latest efforts at an on-going project: state-building in a hurry. In fact, the pattern of state-building in the Gulf, particularly in the Arab Gulf States1 (Kuwait, Bahrain, Qatar, United Arab Emirates and Oman) is characterized by a few discrete mechanisms: a state-led economic development model, a consensus-based policy process, a nationalist ideology that is prestige-hungry, and a nascent foreign policy that is reliant on informal networks based on colonialist ties and defense subsidies.
Access this chapter
Tax calculation will be finalised at checkout
Purchases are for personal use only
Preview
Unable to display preview. Download preview PDF.
Notes
I borrow this phrase, “Arab Gulf States” (AGS), from Abdulkhaleq Abdulla, who uses the concept to describe both a political unit, forged with historical and cultural ties, as well as a political moment, in which (relative) political stability and moderation, along with economic prosperity, have created an opportunity for a rise in the collective power of these states among other Arab regimes and within international politics. See Abdulkhaleq Abdulla (2010) Contemporary Socio-political Issues of the Arab Gulf Moment. London: The Centre for the Study of Global Governance, London School of Economics.
For a detailed account of early political development of the tribal sheikdoms of the (now) United Arab Emirates, see Rosemary Said Zahlan (1998) The Making of the Modern Gulf States: Kuwait, Bahrain, the United Arab Emirates and Oman. (Ithaca: Ithaca Press). Chapter seven addresses the ruling families of the UAE and the division among the Bani Yas tribe which includes both the Al Nahyan (also called Al bu Falah) ruling family of Abu Dhabi, and the Al Maktoum of Dubai. In contrast to the early history of Abu Dhabi, full of inter-family violence over leadership, no ruler of Dubai has been violently overthrown since its beginnings in 1833 when two Bani Yas tribesmen, Udayd bin Said and Maktoum bin Butti, seceded from Abu Dhabi with 800 followers to establish a new independent political entity in Dubai town (Zahlan 1998, p. 111).
Alnaser, W. E. and Alnaser, N. W. (2011) “The Status of Renewable Energy in the GCC Countries”, Renewable and Sustainable Energy Reviews, Vol. 15, p. 3074.
UAE Government (2008) Policy on the Evaluation and Potential Development of Peaceful Nuclear Energy. Retrieved from: <http://www.enec.gov.ae/nuclear-energy-in-the-uae/uae-nuclear-energy-policy/>.
Emirates Nuclear Energy Corporation (2008) Policy of the United Arab Emirates on the Evaluation and Potential Development of Peaceful Nuclear Energy. Retrieved from: <http://www.enec.gov.ae/uploads/media/uae-peaceful-nuclear-energy-policy.pdf>.
See Jim Krane, “The basis of Abu Dhabi’s quest for renewable energy and policies required to meet its goals”, Working Paper No. 10–08 (2009), Dubai School of Government. For a broader argument on the concept of rentierism and patronage systems affecting Dubai,
also see Christopher Davidson (2008) Dubai: The Vulnerability of Success. New York: Columbia University Press.
See Zahlan, The Making of the Modern Gulf States, pp. 107–125, for a detailed discussion of the genealogies of ruling families of the United Arab Emirates, the transition to independent statehood from Trucial State status as a British dependent territory prior to 1973, and the growing disparity in wealth between emirates since the oil discoveries.
Jim Krane (2009) City of Gold: Dubai and the Dream of Capitalism, New York: St. Martin’s Press, p. 253. Much of the demographic information and discussion on Dubai and the general challenge of energy demand in the UAE are drawn from Jim Krane’s subsequent and excellent research as a fellow at the Dubai School of Government.
See Jim Krane, “The basis of Abu Dhabi’s quest for renewable energy and policies required to meet its goals”, Dubai School of Government, Working Paper No. 10–08, September 2010.
M. Luomi (2009) “Abu Dhabi’s Alternative Energy Initiatives: Seizing Climate-Change Opportunities”, Middle East Policy, Vol. 16, No. 4, pp. 102–117.
Business Monitor International (2011) United Arab Emirates: Oil and Gas Report. Retrieved from: <http://www.marjanca.ae/files/reports/5BMI%20United%20Arab%20Emirates%20Oil%20and%20Gas%20Report%20Q3%202011.pdf>.
For an excellent review of the literature, see Jan Erk (2006) “Does Federalism Really Matter?”, Comparative Politics, Vol. 39, No. 1, pp. 103–120. This article follows Erk’s conception of the three main questions in the literature.
This literature does not apply to the question of UAE governance, as it focuses on electoral systems in democracies. However, for more detail, see Pradeep Chhibber and Ken Kollman (2004) The Formation of National Party Systems: Federalism and Party Competition in Canada, Great Britain, India, and the United States. (Princeton: Princeton University Press).
Nancy Bermeo and Ugo Amoretti (eds) (2004) Federalism and Territorial Cleavages. (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press).
For more of this argument, see Richard Simeon (1995) “Canada and the US: Lessons from the North American Experience”, in Karen Knop, Sylvia Ostry, Richard Simeon and Katherine Swinton (eds), Rethinking Federalism: Citizens, Markets and Governments in a Changing World. (Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press). The case-based studies in the edited volume by Nancy Burmeo and Ugo Amoretti also address this key point of debate.
See Burmeo and Amoretti (eds) (2004) Federalism and Territorial Cleavages.
David C. Nice (1987) The Politics of Intergovernmental Relations. (New York: St. Martin’s Press) pp. 13–17.
See Douglass North (1990) Institutions, Institutional Change, and Economic Performance. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press).
Also see James Knight (1992) Institutions and Social Conflict. (New York: Cambridge University Press).
On the institutional literature on path dependency, see Paul Pierson (2000) “Increasing Returns, Path Dependence, and the Study of Politics”, The American Political Science Review, Vol. 94, No. 2, pp. 251–267.
Also see, Kathleen Thelen (1999) “Historical Institutionalism in Comparative Politics”, Annual Review of Political Science, Vol. 2, pp. 369–404;
and Paul DiMaggio and Walter Powell (eds) (1991) The New Institutionalism in Organizational Analysis. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press).
Victor Nee (2003) “The new institutionalism in Economics and Sociology”, Working Paper No. 4, Center for the Study of Economy and Society (Ithaca: Cornell University).
See Neil Fligstein (2004) The Architecture of Markets: An Economic Sociology of Twenty-first Century Capitalist Societies. (Princeton: Princeton University Press);
also see Richard Swedberg and Mark Granovetter (1992) The Sociology of Economic Life. (Boulder: Westview Press);
as well as G. Helmsky and S. Levitsky, (2004) “Informal Institutions and Comparative Politics: A Research Agenda”, Perspectives on Politics, Vol. 2, No. 4, pp. 725–740.
Author information
Authors and Affiliations
Copyright information
© 2014 Karen E. Young
About this chapter
Cite this chapter
Young, K.E. (2014). Clean, Mean and Dirty: Energy in the United Arab Emirates. In: The Political Economy of Energy, Finance and Security in the United Arab Emirates. International Political Economy Series. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137021977_4
Download citation
DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137021977_4
Publisher Name: Palgrave Macmillan, London
Print ISBN: 978-1-349-43777-1
Online ISBN: 978-1-137-02197-7
eBook Packages: Palgrave Intern. Relations & Development CollectionPolitical Science and International Studies (R0)