Abstract
When Barack Obama was inaugurated in January 2009, America’s relative position in the world had declined. There was little doubt as to its predominant power, but the social legitimacy of its economic model was now questioned, criticized, and even challenged. The power was still there. However, its foundations had been shaken. In September 2008, the United States had been struck by a terrible and unexpected financial crisis, the shock of which allowed candidate Obama to take the lead over his Republican rival in the presidential race.1 Aside from damaging the American and then the global economy in a matter of weeks, the subprime crisis called into question the legitimacy of the American financial capitalism and its underlying deregulatory logic dating back to the 1990s. The German finance minister at the time predicted that the United States was going to lose its “superpower status in the global financial system,” resulting in the emergence of a multipolar system where the dollar would lose its predominance to the benefit of the euro, yen, and yuan.2 A British political analyst was even more categorical in his assessment that “the era of American global leadership, reaching back to the Second World War, is over.”3 The governor of the Central Bank of China subtly echoed these statements in March 2009 by contending for the first time that the dollar’s role as reserve currency presented more drawbacks than advantages.4
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Notes
Alan Greenspan, The Age of Turbulence: Adventures in a New World (New York: Penguin Press, 2007).
Daniel W. Drezner, “Bad Debts, Assessing China’s Financial Influence in Great Power Politics,” International Security, 34, no. 2 (Autumn 2009): 7–45.
Ben S. Bernanke, “The Global Saving Glut and the U.S. Current Account Deficit,” Remarks at the Sandridge Lecture, Virginia Association of Economics, Richmond, Virginia, March 10, 2005. http://www.federalreserve.gov/boarddocs/speeches/2005/20050414/default.htm.
The dollar’s exorbitant privilege arises from the fact that since US external debt is denominated in dollars, any depreciation of the dollar automatically reduces the US current account deficit. Each percentage point of dollar depreciation yields a transfer of resources to the United States that is equivalent to a one half-percentage point of GNP. See Pierre-Olivier Gourinchas, and Hélène Rey, From World Banker to World Venture Capitalist: US External Adjustment and The Exorbitant Privilege, NBER Working Papers Series, August 2005. http://www.nber.org/papers/w11563.pdf;
R. Glenn Hubbard, “The US Current Account Deficit and Public Pollcy,” Journal of Policy Modeling, 28 (2006): 668.
Kenneth N. Waltz, “Structural Realism after the Cold War,” International Security, 25, no. 1 (summer 2000), 5–41.
John Zysman, and Laura Tyson, eds., American Industry in International Competition: Government Policy and Corporate Strategies (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1983).
I borrow this comparison from Janos Kornai, “Ten Years after ‘The Road to a Free Economy’: The Author’s Self-Evaluation,” Paper for the World Bank Annual Bank Conference on Development Economics-ABCDE, Washington DC, April 18–20, 2000, 25.
Narcis Serra, and Jospeh E. Stiglitz, eds., The Washington Consensus Reconsidered: Towards a New Global Governance (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008).
Henri Tajfel, Differentiation between Social Groups: Studies in the Social Psychology of Intergroup Relations, (London: Academic Press, 1978), 27–98, cited in Deborah
Welch Larson, and Alexei Shevchenko, “Status Seekers: Chinese and Russian Responses to U.S. Primacy” (note 14), International Security, 34, no. 4 (spring 2010): 63–95.
See William Wohlforth, “Unipolarity, Status Competition and Great Power War,” World Politics, 61, no. 1 (January 2009): 47.
Angela E. Stent, “America and Russia: Paradoxes of Partnership,” in Russia’s Engagement with the West: Transformation and Integration in the Twenty-First Century, ed. Alexander J. Motyl, Blair A. Ruble, and Lilia Shevtsova (Armonk, NY: M. E. Sharpe, 2005), 265.
Robert Jervis, “Unipolarity. A Structural Perspective,” World Politics, 61, no. 1 (January 2009): 191.
Cited in Fareed Zakaria, The Post-American World and the Rise of the Rest (London: Penguin Books, 2009).
Christopher Layne, “The Unipolar Illusion Revisited: The Coming End of the United States’ Unipolar Moment,” International Security, 31, no. 2 (Autumn 2006): 25.
This thesis has been defended by Paul Kennedy in The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers: Economic Change and Military Conflict from 1500 to 2000 (New York: Random House, 1989).
Ronald R. Krebs, and Jennifer K. Lobasz, “Fixing the Meaning of 9/11: Hegemony, Coercion and the Road to War in Iraq,” Security Studies, 16, no. 3 (July 2007): 422.
Albert Wohlstetter, Moving Toward Life in a Nuclear Armed Crowd? Final Report, 1975, 168. http://www.npec-web.org/files/19751204-AW-EtAIMovingTowards LifeNuclearArmedCrowd.pdf.
Bob Woodward, Plan of Attack (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2004).
Cited in Robert Jervis, “Understanding the Bush Doctrine,” Political Science Quarterly, 118, no. 3 (Autumn 2003): 372.
Amy Gershkoff, and Shana Kushner, “Shaping Public Opinion: The 9/11-Iraq Connection in the Bush Administration’s Rhetoric,” Perspectives on Politics, 3, no. 3 (September 2005): 525–537.
Paul S. Boyer, “When U.S. Foreign Policy Meets Biblical Prophecy,” February 21, 2003, http://www.mail-archive.com/ctrl@listserv.aol.com/msg103467.html.
Jody C. Baumgartner, Peter L. Francia, and Jonathan S. Morris, “A Clash of Civilizations? The Influence of Religion on Public Opinion of U.S Foreign Policy in the Middle East,” Political Research Quarterly, 61, no. 2 June 2008): 171–179.
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© 2012 Zaki Laïdi
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Laïdi, Z. (2012). Legacy. In: Limited Achievements. The Sciences Po Series in International Relations and Political Economy. Palgrave Macmillan, New York. https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137020871_1
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137020871_1
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