Abstract
In the nineteenth century, Hungarian liberals’ orientations were mixed: some favored political and philosophical goals, while others were anchored to more practical matters. Although ideas of the Enlightenment and the French Revolution deeply penetrated the thinking of Hungarian intellectuals, societal progress was slow and long in the making. Concerned liberals agreed that modernization was the most important thing for Hungary; many, however, supported the status quo of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy and saw the development of Hungarian society within its imperial realm. In one respect they all agreed: the importance of Hungarian national interests and superiority of the Magyar nation within the context of the Habsburg Empire, an aspect that sets Hungarian liberalism somewhat apart from other European liberal traditions. Therefore, two fundamental questions remain to be answered in this respect: what kind of liberalism were Hungarian elites considering, and how did it actually translate into practice?
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Notes
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For the Serbian oppostion see the excellent Hungarian treatment by See József, Thim, A magyarországi 1848–49-iki szerb fölkelés története, I–II (Budapest: Magyar Történelmi Társulat, 1930).
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Szemere did publish his memories while in exile, Szemere, Bartholome, Graf Ludwig Batthyány, Arthur Görgey, Ludwig Kossuth. Politische Charakterskizzen aus dem ungarischen Freiheitskriege (Hamburg: Hoffman und Campe, 1853). On Szemere see,
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On Deák, see Béla Király, Ferenc Deák (Boston: Twayne, 1975).
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István Diószegi, A Ferenc József-i kor nagyhatalmi politikája (Budapest: Kossuth, 1987); and
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András Gerő, Modern Hungarian Society in the Making: The Unfinished Experience (Budapest: Central European University Press, 1997), 6.
Kossuth’s embryonic attempts to reframe the nationalities question date to 1850– 1851, when he described this in a letter sent to various American newspapers. In that letter, he stated: “Citizens of America! To you I declare with honesty that my final aim is the idea of Federation which would weld Hungarians and the other smaller neighboring nations into a Union, to secure the nationality and independence of each and freedom for all; freedom, not power was their desire. The sentiments of sympathy for our sufferings will inspire among the smaller states and races the wish for a fraternal confederation for that which I always urged as the only safe policy and guarantee of freedom for them all.” See, Bela Talbot Kardos, “From Kossuth’s unkown federalist papers,” in Francis S. Wagner (ed.), Toward a New Central Europe (Astor Park, FL: Danubian Press, 1970), 115.
Andrássy’s career, and his loyalty to the Germans, was ably documented by Eduard von Wertheimer, Graf Julius Andrássy sein Leben und seine Zeit, nach ungedruckten Quellen, Vols. I–III (Stuttgart: Deutsche-Verlag-Anstalt, 1910–1913). For a more recent evaluation of the man and his time, see
Rainer F. Schmidt, Graf Julius Andrássy. Vom Revolutionar Zum Aussenminister (Göttingen: Muster-Schmidt Verlag, 1995).
On the successful maintenance of political and administrative positions by Transylvanian elites, see Judit Pál, “Erdélyi főispánok a kiegyezés után.” Aetas, 24/4 (2009), 80–99.
For more discussion on the confusing state of the union, see, William M. Johnston, The Austrian Mind. An Intellectual and Social History, 1848–1938 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1983), 335–335.
On the nationality law see László Katus, “József Eötvös and Ferenc Deák: Laws on nationalities,” in Romsics and Király, Geopolitics, pp. 133–160; and Eva Boka, “From National Toleration to National Liberation (Three Initiators of Co-operation in Central Europe),” East European Politics and Societies, 13/3 (1999), 435–474.
On the list of tolerated and accepted religions within Transylvania, see Josepho Benkő, Transsilvania: sive, Magnus Transsilvaniae principatus, olim Dacia Mediterranea dictus. Tom I. Editio Secunda (Claudiopoli: Typis Lycei Regii, 1834), xii–xiii. On the nature of tolerated religions, see Stephan Buchholz, Recht, Religione, un Ehe: Orientierungswandel u. gelehrte Kontroversen im Übergang vom 17. zum 18. Jh (Frankfurt am Main: Klostermann, 1988), 349–352.
A critical look at the Compromise is Péter Hanák, “Hundred years of Ausgleich.” New Hungarian Quarterly, 8/27 (1967), 17–31.
On industrial developments see, Ivan T. Berend and György Ránki, Economic Development in East-Central Europe in the 19 th and 20 th Centuries (New York: Columbia University Press, 1974), 86–87.
Ildikó Stéfán, “Gróf Batthyány Lajos halála és temetései.” Sic itur ad astra, 2–4 (1993), 6–17; and Aladár Urbán, “Gróf Batthyány Lajos emlékezete.” Aetas, 1–2, 2000, http://www.aetas.hu/2000_1–2/2000–1-2–05.htm, accessed January 3, 2012.
See Zoltán Tóth, “A nemzetiségi kérdés a Dualizmus korában (1867–1900).” Századok, 3, 1956, 368–393. Madarász’s fiery speeches were published in József Madarász beszédei az 1857–67. országgyűlésen. Pest, 1868, and later in his memoirs, Emlékiratam, 1831–1881, Budapest, 1883.
A. C. Janos, The Politics of Backwardness 1825–1945 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1982).
Dennis P. Hupchick, Conflict and Chaos in Eastern Europe (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1995), 50.
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Kürti, L. (2012). Liberty, Equality, and Nationality: National Liberalism, Modernization, and Empire in Hungary in the Nineteenth Century. In: Fitzpatrick, M.P. (eds) Liberal Imperialism in Europe. Palgrave Macmillan, New York. https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137019974_5
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