Abstract
This was nothing new. Europe had seen many common causes from which particular states or social groups had opted out, whether temporarily or lastingly, and for many different reasons. The Crusades, in which the Christian nations of Europe were supposed to join in a common endeavour to liberate the Holy Places of Palestine from infidel control, provided an early example of dissidence: ‘Philip Augustus, and Richard the first, are the only kings of France and England who have fought under the same banners; but the holy service, in which they were enlisted, was incessantly disturbed by their national jealousy.’2 Nor was Richard I (1189–99) the only Crusader to suffer greater treachery from fellow-Christians than from his Moslem enemies. Later wars of religion saw as many defections and reversals of alliance as the cynical eighteenth century itself, and in the long struggle from 1793 to 1815 Britain was the only major European belligerent not to have fought beside the French as well as against them, a record almost matched against Germany between 1939 and 1945. Trade, dynastic or ideological advantage, the chance to grab a little territory were considerations that often and easily diverted states from the common cause they professed.
One major trend in twentieth-century power politics, the rise of the superpowers, was beginning to interact with another, newer trend — the political fragmentation of the globe…. Russia and the United States had to grapple with the hard fact that their ‘universalist’ message would not be automatically accepted by other societies and cultures (Paul Kennedy).1
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Notes and References
Paul Kennedy, The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers (London: Unwin Hyman, 1988), pp. 392, 394–5.
Edward Gibbon, History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire (London: Chatto & Windus, 1875) (1st edn 1788), p. 1201. Having quarrelled with his French and Austrian allies in the Third Crusade, Richard concluded a truce with his Moslem enemy Saladin and made for England, but was kidnapped in Vienna and held prisoner for over a year until his heavy ransom was paid.
Melvin Small and J. David Singer, Resort to Arms (Beverly Hills, CA: Sage, 1982), pp. 80, 222.
James Cable, Gunboat Diplomacy 1919–1991 (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1994), passim.
‘It is not the big battalions that God backs, but the sharpshooters.’ See also Cable, Gunboat Diplomacy 1919–1991, op. cit, pp. 183–4, 187, 199–200, 202–3; James Cable, Gunboat Diplomacy 1919–1979, 2nd edn (London: Macmillan, 1981), pp. 23–4.
Eric J. Grove, Vanguard to Trident: British Naval Policy since World War II (London: The Bodley Head, 1987), pp. 265–7.
The comparison offers some much needed support for Mahan’s rather extravagant assertion that the principles of strategy, as opposed to tactics, ‘belong to the unchangeable or unchanging order of things, remaining the same, in cause and effect, from age to age’. Captain A. T. Mahan, The Influence of Sea Power upon History 1660–1783 (Boston: Litde, Brown, 1940) (1st edn 1890), p. 88.
Secretary of State for Defence, Difence: Outline of Future Policy, Cmnd 124 (London: HMSO, April 1957).
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© 1998 James Cable
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Cable, J. (1998). Violent Peace: a Continuing Process. In: The Political Influence of Naval Force in History. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780333995037_13
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/9780333995037_13
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