Abstract
At the beginning of the twenty-first century a return to regular full employment is little more than a pipe dream. Unemployment and non-standard forms of work, including part-time, temporary and contract employment are as much a part of the economic landscape as the rust-belt, silicon valley and the Dow Jones Index. Nevertheless, some commentators in the United States argued that at the beginning of our new century, a combination of fiscal probity, technological innovation and global free markets, have tamed the boom—bust nature of capitalism. Consequently, there was the prospect of permanent growth and a return to full employment. Robert Eisner neatly captured the mood: ‘the current technological, informational, and communications revolution is spawning all kinds of economies so that we can produce more with less. Only God knows how fast our economy can actually grow, or how low unemployment can get, if we have the purchasing power for all that we can produce’.1 In Britain, Gordan Brown, as New Labour’s Chancellor of the Exchequer, resolved that `if those who can work take the responsibility to work, if employers take the responsibility to train and to invest, and if all of us show the same responsibility in pay’, then Britain can, he argued, deliver ‘a goal now within our reach for the twenty-first century — full employment for our country’.2 A commitment to full employment is politically seductive because it is seen to be a way of resolving the distributional question of ‘who gets what’, as we will show in the following chapter. But these echoes of the Golden era clearly underestimate the scale of economic and social change.
Even outside of work, industrial society is a wage labor society through and through in the plan of its life, in its joys and sorrows, in its concept of achievement, in its justification of inequality, in its social welfare laws, in its balance of power and in its politics and culture. If it is facing a systematic transformation of wage labour then it is facing a social transformation.
Ulrich Beck
Welfare has essentially ended for economic failures in America.
Lester Thurow
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Notes
Robert Eisner, ‘Damn the NAIRU - and full speed ahead’, in J. J. Jasinowski (ed.) The Rising Tide, New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1998, p. 68.
See UK Department of Education and Employment (DfEE) report Labour Market and Skills Trends 1998/9 London: DfEE, 1998, p. 5.
See John Hills, Income and Wealth: Volume Two, A Summary of the Evidence, York: Joseph Rowntree Foundation, 1995.
Department of Education and Employment (DfEE) Labour Market and Skill Trends Sudbury, Suffolk: DfEE Publications, 1998, p. 5.
Institute for Employment Research, Review of the Economy and Employment University of Warwick, 1999, p. 1.
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Criminal supervision is designed as parole or incarceration, OECD Economic Report: United States 1995, Paris: OECD, 1996, p. 149.
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Giving a total of 48.3 per cent. See Maya Federman et al. ‘What does it mean to be poor in America?’ Monthly labour Review, 1996 May, 3–17, p. 16.
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Randy E. Llg, ‘The nature of employment growth, 1989–95’, Monthly Labor Review 1996 June, 29–36. These figures are derived from Table one, p. 30.
Wolfgang Streeck, ‘German capitalism: does it exist? can it survive?’, New Political Economy, 2, 1997, 237–56
Income Data Servises (IDS) New Unionism: Wither or Whither? No. 91, 1999 September.
See Brendan J. Burchell, Diana Day, Maria Hudson, David Ladipo, Roy Mankelow, Jane P. Nolan, Hannah Reed, Ines C. Wichert and Frank Wilkinson, Job Insecurity and Work Intensification, York: Joseph Rowntree Foundation, 1999, pp. 34–6.
Andrew M. Sum, Neal Fogg and Robert Taggart, ‘The economics of despair’, American Prospect, vol. 27 1996 July/August, 83–8, p. 83.
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See OECD Economic Survey: United States Paris: OECD, 1995, p. 206.
See Randy E. Llg, ‘The nature of employment growth, 1989–95’, Monthly Labor Review, 1996 June, 29–36, p. 33.
Carole Pateman, The Disorder of Women: Democracy, Feminism and Political Theory, Cambridge: Polity Press, 1989.
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Marilyn French, The War Against Women, New York: Summit Books, 1992, p. 13.
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Hilary Land, ‘The demise of the male breadwinner - in practice but not in theory: a challenge for social security systems’, in Sally Baldwin & Jane Falkingham (eds) Social Security and Social Change, London: Harvester Wheatsheaf, 1994, p. 110.
Andrew M. Sum, Neal Fogg and Robert Taggart, ‘The economics of despair’, American Prospect, vol. 27 1996 July/August, 83–8, p. 84.
Paul Johnson, ‘The assessment: inequality’, Oxford Review of Economic Policy vol. 12, 1996, 1–14, p. 9
Alissa Goodman, Paul Johnson and Steven Webb, Inequality in the UK Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997. See also Social Trends 1998 London: Central Statistical Office, 1998.
Teresa Rees, Mainstreaming Equality in the European Union: Education, Training and Labour Markets Policies, London: Routledge, 1998.
See OECD Employment Outlook Paris: OECD, 1996 July, p. 192.
Arnlaug Leira, ‘Combining work and family: working mothers in Scandinavia and the European Community’, in P. Brown and R. Crompton (eds) Economic Restructuring and Social Exclusion, London: University College London Press, 1994.
Kathleen Gerson, ‘Coping with commitment: dilemmas and conflicts of family life’, in Alan Wolfe, (ed.) America at Century’s End, Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991, p. 37.
See Lynn A. Karoly, ‘Anatomy of the US income distribution: two decades of change’, Oxford Review of Economic Policy, vol. 12, 1996, 76–95, p. 77.
R. W. Connell, ‘The big picture: masculinities in recent world history’, Theory and Society, vol. 22, 1993, 597–623, p. 613.
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© 2001 Phillip Brown and Hugh Lauder
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Brown, P., Lauder, H. (2001). The Demise of Industrial Man. In: Capitalism and Social Progress. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780333985380_10
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