Abstract
In order to understand ‘peacekeeping’ as an instrument of Russian strategy, it is necessary to discuss the wider context of the Foreign Ministry’s (MFA) approach towards the former Soviet Union. A consensus has emerged since 1993 which has lent foreign policy a degree of coherence. Russian policy towards the ‘near abroad’ in 1992 could be described as an empty vessel, characterized by ill-defined generalities. The shift that occurred was not so much a radical one as a gradual filling of the vessel, with the formulation of a more detailed policy. The MFA shifted from benign neglect to deep engagement in the CIS region. Initially, the former Soviet Union was delinked from broader Russian foreign policy, but with the passage of time and the pressure of events, the positions of the ‘near abroad’ and ‘far abroad’ have shifted. The focus of Russian foreign policy has become more inward-out, concentrating as a priority on the former Soviet Union.
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Notes and References
See discussion in Alex Pravda (1994) ‘The Politics of Foreign Policy’, in Stephen White et al. Developments in Russian and Post-Soviet Politics (London: Macmillan) p. 209.
A Ministry for Cooperation with the CIS was created in January 1994. This ministry is not considered here, as it has focused on economic issues. Similarly, the role of Prime Minister Chernomyrdin in the economic area will not be discussed. See Neil Malcolm (1996) ‘Foreign Policy Making’, in Neil Malcolm et al., Internal Factors in Russian Foreign Policy, (RIIA/Oxford University Press) pp. 126–8.
Neil Malcolm argues that Russian foreign policy has been presidential from 1992 — this situation was reinforced in the 1993 constitution and Yeltsin’s decrees bringing the Border Service, Foreign Intelligence Services and Federal Security Services under his jurisdiction in early 1994; Malcolm et al. (1996), p. 109.
Yeltsin’s criticism of the MFA in October 1992 is a case in point.
See Neil Malcolm (1995) ‘Russian Foreign Policy Decision Making’, in Peter Shearman (ed.) Russian Foreign Policy Since 1990, (Bolder Col.: Westview Press), pp. 23–51.
Ibid., p. 29.
In December 1992, an Interdepartmental Foreign Policy commission was created within the Security Council. In December 1995, Yeltsin also created a Foreign Policy Council, under the president, with deliberative functions, to prepare recommendations on foreign policy. This Council appears not to have overshadowed the MFA. As will be discussed, further decrees in 1996 increased the ‘coordinating’ role of the MFA in policy-making.
The initial membership of the Council included as permanent voting members: the President; Vice President; Chairman of the Council of Ministers; the Secretary of the Council; and the First Deputy Chair of the Supreme Soviet. And as non-voting members: the Minister of Defence; Minister for Foreign Affairs; Minister of Security; Minister of Justice; Minister of the Interior; Chair of the Foreign Intelligence Services; and the Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers. After the October 1993 ‘events’, the number of permanent members was increased to include the Prime Minister; the Ministers of Defence, Foreign Affairs, Justice, the Interior; the Chairs of the Foreign Intelligence Service and Counter-Intelligence Service; and the State Committee for Nationalities and Civil Defence. The C-in-C of the Border Service joined the Council in mid-1994. Moreover, the Chairmen of the two Chambers, Ivan Rybkin and Vladimir Shumeiko, were invited to join the Council in early 1995. Rybkin became Secretary after Lebed resigned in October 1996. He was noted for his loyalty and ‘team-playing’. Kokoshin’s appointment as Secretary saw a reduction in its staff size.
See Ellen Jones and James H. Brusstar (1993) ‘Moscow’s Emerging Security Decision-Making System’, Journal of Slavic Military Studies (September), pp. 345–74.
According to Neil Malcolm, until May 1993, under Yury Skokov, the Council was quite influential, but lost influence under Shaposhnikov’s leadership up to September 1993. Oleg Lobov’s chairmanship restored its position of influence in the policy process; Malcolm et al. (1996), p. 111.
‘Russia’ TV, Moscow, 7 September 1992.
See the discussion in Bruce Parrot and Karen Dawisha (1994) Russia and the New States of Eurasia: The Politics of Upheaval (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press) pp. 204–5.
In June 1992, Yeltsin decreed the creation of an 80-member staff, including 20 military of ficers, for the Security Council, establishing a first deputy secretary, Directorate for Strategic Security, and one for Planning and Coordination, and a Centre for Information and Analysis. The Council has been constrained over resources. Its staff in February 1993 numbered ten, and its first full meeting occurred in April 1993 to approve the MFA Concept. By mid-1994, the staff had increased to about a hundred.
Yeltsin expanded the role and prerogatives of the Security Council in early July, presumably at Lebed’s behest. See Decree No. 1024, 10 July 1996 reported in SU/2669, B/1–4.
Accounts by members of the Security Council have given an exaggerated picture of its importance. See Lobov (1995) International Affairs (Moscow, October), pp. 11–16; and interview with Valery Manilov (1994) Moskovskiye Novosti (5–12 June), p. 6. For a damning account of the Security Council see, Leonid Mlechin (1996) New Times (November), pp. 4–5.
See Alex Pravda (1996) in Malcolm et al., Internal Factors in Russia Foreign Policy, pp. 168–229; and Vadim Solovyov (1993) International Affairs (Moscow, March), pp. 33–44.
See the discussion on Duma prerogatives in Jan Adams (1994) ‘Who Will Make Russia’s Foreign Policy in 1994?’, RFE/RL Research Report (RR) (11 February), pp. 36–40. The Duma has exercised its right to ratify international treaties by delaying the ratification of START 2.
Alex Pravda (1996), Internal Factors in Russian Foreign Policy, p. 218.
See the discussion in Roy Allison (1996), in Malcolm et al., Internal Factors in Russian Foreign Policy, pp. 230–89.
See Aleksandr Golts, Krasnaya Zvezda, 28 October 1992, p. 1.
‘Russia and the CIS: Does the West’s position Need Adjustment?’, FIS report, Krasnaya Zvezda, 28 September 1994, p. 3.
See Izvestiya, 26 November 1993, p. 2.
Cited in Stephen Blank (1995) The OSCE’s Code of Conduct and Civil-Military Relations in Russia, Conflict Studies Research Centre (CSRC) RMA Sandhurst (November), p. 6.
For alternative discussions of this debate, see Alex Pravda (1994) Developments in Russian and Post-Soviet Politics; Alex Pravda et al. (1996); Aleksei Arbatov (1993) ‘Russia’s Foreign Policy Alternatives’, International Security, (Autumn); and A. Pushkov (1993–4) ‘Russia and America, the Honeymoon’s Over’, Foreign Policy (Winter).
For the influence of a prominent Gosudarstvennik, Aleksei Podberyozkin, on Zyuganov’s leadership, see Victoria Clark, Observer, 19 May 1996, p. 21.
As leader of the Communist Party, Zyuganov’s position has reflected a mixture of these two views.
Yegor Gaidar advocated a perspective presumably closest to what one might expect to be a`liberal-internationalist’ view. Gaidar, however, played a minimal role in the foreign policy debate.
Interview with Kozyrev after his first of ficial tour of the newly independent states, ‘Russia’, TV programme, Moscow, 12 April 1992, SU/1355, B/3–4.
It must be noted that there are also divisions within the ‘centrist’ grouping over policy towards the CIS, the pace and focus of integration, as well as the costs of military engagements in the ‘near abroad’. These divisions have increased since the Chechen war.
See the analysis of Gennady Zyuganov (1995) Rossiya I Sovremennyy Mir (Moscow Publishers) by Mark Smith (1996) The Geopolitics of Gennadi Zyuganov, Conflict Studies Research Centre, RMA Sandhurst (March). See also the ‘radical nationalist’ perspective of fered by the independent Defence Research Institute in Segodnya, 20 October 1995, p. 3.
‘Russia’ TV programme, Moscow, 3 June 1992, SU/1402, A1/1–4.
Kozyrev interview, ‘Russia’ TV programme, Moscow, 12 April 1992, SU/1355, B/3–4.
Interview with Kozyrev, Izvestiya, 22 February 1992, pp. 1, 3.
Kozyrev, Izvestiya, 30 June 1992, p. 3.
See summary of draft ‘Basic Principles of the Foreign Policy Concept of the Russian Federation’, in Nezavisimaya Gazeta, 20 February 1992, p. 4.
‘Russia’, TV programme, Moscow, 12 April 1992, SU/1355, B/3–4.
MFA statement on Mayak Radio, Moscow, 30 January 1992, SU/1293, B/3–4.
See Nezavisimaya Gazeta, 4 April 1992, p. 2.
Interview with Shelov-Kovedyaev, Nezavisimaya Gazeta, 30 July 1992, pp. 1,5.
Many Russian commentators underlined the dangers of Russia becoming the guarantor of stability in Central Asia. See, for example, Vitaly Portnikov, Nezavisimaya Gazeta, 19 May 1992, p. 1.
See, for example, Aleksandr Zhdnev, Izvestiya, 1 June 1992, pp. 1, 4.
Cited in Suzanne Crow, (1992) ‘Russia Prepares to Take a Hard Line on the “Near Abroad”’ RFE/RL Research Report (14 August), pp. 22–4.
See Konstantin Eggert, lzvestiya, 11 April 1992, p. 5.
Sergei Stankevich, Izvestiya, 7 July 1992, p. 3. See also Nezavisimaya Gazeta, 28 March 1992, p. 4; and Rossiyskaya Gazeta, 23 June 1992, Current Digest of the Post-Soviet (CDPSP) (26–92), pp. 1–3.
See, for example, Yury Glukhov, Pravda, 24 February 1992, in CDPSP (8–92), pp. 8–10.
See International Affairs (April-May, 1992), p. 82.
‘Russia’, TV programme, Moscow, 22 June 1992, SU/1416, C/5.
See Suzanne Crow (1992), p. 21.
Colonel S. Pechorov and Lieutenant-Colonel Y. Tegin, Krasnaya Zvezda, 21 April 1992, p. 3.
Interview inArmiya, 29 June 1992, JPRS-UMA-92–005-L, pp. 16–21.
‘Fundamentals of Russian Military Doctrine’, Voennaya Mysl’ 19 May 1992, JPRS UMT-92–008–4, pp. 1–5.
Kozyrev, Izvestiya, 30 June 1992.
‘Russia’, TV programme, Moscow, 4 July 1992, SU/1425, A1/1–5.
Reported in Nezavisimaya Gazeta 23 June 1992, CDPSP (25–1992), pp. 1–5.
‘Russia’ TV programme, Moscow, 10 July 1992, SU/1431, C1/3.
Vladimir Lukin (1992), Foreign Policy (Fall), pp. 58–71.
Boris Utekhin, ‘Russia in Which We Get Lost’, Komsomolskaya Pravda, 21 October 1992, p. 1.
See also the interview with Kozyrev on Ostankino, 14 November 1993, SU/1851, B/1–2.
See the article by Vladimir Lukin, (1994) ‘Russia and Its Interests’, in Rethinking Russia’s National Interests (CSIS), pp. 100–10.
See statements by Sergei Karaganov, a founder of the CFDP, Nezavisimaya Gazeta, 17 Novmber 1992. The CFDP’s report of August 1992, entitled ‘Strategy for Russia’ called for ‘variable speed postimperial integration’ within the CIS. At the same time, it maintained a somewhat pessimistic view on the need to maintain security in the region. See the discussion in Margot Light (1996) Internal Factors in Russian Foreign Policy, p. 64.
Sergei Karaganov, Krasnaya Zvezda, 17 February 1993, pp. 2, 3.
‘Centrist’ analyses have usually of fered guarded views on Ukraine, underlining the challenge it presents to Russia, but calling for an overall regularization of relations.
Sergei Karaganov (1992) Russia: The New Foreign and SecurityAgenda — A View from Moscow, (London Defence Studies No. 12, University of London), p. 17.
Andrannik Migranyan, Rossiyskaya Gazeta, 4 August 1992, p. 7.
See a full summary and analysis of the Report in John Lough (1993) `Defining Russia’s Relations with Neighbouring States’, RFE/RL RR, 14 May, pp. 55–60; and Defining Russia’s Role in the NearAbroad, Soviet Studies Research Centre, RMA Sandhurst, April 1993.
Shelov-Kovedyaev resigned in early September 1992, to be replaced by Anatoly Adamishin in mid-October. Earlier in the summer, he had threatened to resign if Russian government policy made increasing use of force in the ‘near abroad’ and if the MoD continued to dominate foreign-policy making. His resignation might also have been forced by conservative pressure in parliament and the Security Council. See interview in Izvestiya, 26 July 1992, p. 6.
See report by Aleksandr Golts, Krasnaya Zvezda, 28 October 1992, p. 1.
See the summary of the Draft Concept, Rossiskiye Vesti, 3 December 1992, for the influence of Yeltsin’s statements, reported in CDPSP (48–92), pp. 14–17.
Yeltsin’s speech to the Civic Union, reported on ‘Russia’, TV programme, Moscow, 28 February 1993, SU/1626, B/1–3.
Itar-Tass, Moscow, 17 March 1993, SU/1641, B/1.
The first draft of the Concept was presented to the Supreme Soviet in February 1992, but was rejected for being too vague. A new draft was produced in November and published in late 1992. The final version was given to the parliament in February 1993. See the discussion in Margot Light (1996) in Malcolm et al., Internal Factors in Russian Foreign Policy, p. 61. For a summary of the December draft, see InternationalAffairs (January 1993), pp. 14–16.
See Vladimir Chernov’s summary of the Concept, Nezavisimaya Gazeta, 29 April 1993, pp. 1, 3.
See the discussion in chs. 5–7 of this book.
Aleksandr Pelts, Krasnaya Zvezda, 7 May 1993, p. 1.
Itar-Tass, Moscow, 6 May 1993, FBIS-SOV-93–086, pp. 7–8.
See, for example, the presidential decree on ‘The Strategic Course of Russia towards the Member States of the CIS’, on 14 September 1995, Diplomatichesky Vestnik, October 1995, pp. 3–6; also Yeltsin’s more cautious memorandum on National Security, prepared by Yury Baturin in mid-1996, Diplomatichesky Vestnik, July 1996, pp. 24–35. The Memo focused substantially on internal problems and threats to Russia. See the strong discussion in Mark Webber (1997) CIS Integration Trends: Russia and the Former Soviet South (London: Former Soviet South Project, Royal Institute of International Affairs).
Address to Federal Assembly, 24 February 1994, Ostankino Ch. 1 TV programme, Moscow, SU/1931, S1/1.
Hill and Jewett (1994), p. 34.
See the discussion in Martha Brill Olcott (1995) ‘Sovereignty and the Near Abroad’, Orbis (Summer), pp. 353–67.
See Yeltsin’s comments in Itar-Tass, Moscow, 19 January 1996, SU/2514, A/1–2.
See the text of the agreement in Rossiyskaya Gazeta, 4 April 1996.
See Nezavisiinaya Gazeta, 28 March 1995, p. 2.
Scc Andrei Kozyrev on Ostankino, Moscow, 14 November 1993, SU/1851, 13/1–2.
Yevgeny Bey, Izvestiya, 17 February 1994, p. 1.
See Nezavisimaya Gazeta, 5 March 1994, p. 1.
See Mark R. Bessinger (1995) ‘The Persisting Ambiguity of Empire’, Post-Soviet Affairs (April—June), pp. 149–84.
See report in Itar-Tass, Moscow, 18 January 1994, SU/1900, B/4; and Vladimir Gavrilenko, Krasnaya Zvezda, 20 January 1994, p. 1. It is notable that centrist-nationalists warned against the `Zhirinovsky factor’ in Kozyrev’s increasingly nationalist rhetoric. See Vladimir Lukin’s criticism in Izvestiya, 20 April 1995, pp. 1, 3. See also cautionary statements in the Council for Foreign and Defence Policy second ‘Strategy for Russia’ in May 1994, discussed in M. Light (1996) in Malcolm et al., Internal Factors in Russian Foreign Policy, p. 73.
See the report in Vyacheslav Elagin, Segodnya, 2 March 1994, p. 3.
See also Kozyrev’s comments on the defence of the diaspora by the use of force (a so-called gunboat diplomacy) in International Affairs (Moscow, June 1995), pp. 107–24.
Itar-Tass, Moscow, 19 March 1994, SU/1944, G/1.
George Kondratev, Krasnaya Zvezda, 16 February 1994.
Aleksandr Golts, Krasnaya Zvezda, 23 October 1993, p. 3.
Major Mark T. Davis (1993) ‘Russia’s Peacemaking Operations: An Issue of National Security?’ SHAPE: Central and Eastern European Defence Studies (September 3) p. 1.
Nezavisimaya Gazeta, 22 September 1993, p. 1.
Andrei Kozyrev to the MFA conference on 19 January 1994, Itar-Tass, Moscow, SU/1901, S2/1–2.
Andrei Kozyrev, Krasnaya Zvezda, 1 September 1993, p. 3.
The government called for the creation of a voluntary fund at the UN, arguing that Russian operations represented a contribution to global UN peacekeeping.
Kozyrev to the Council for Foreign and Defence Policy, 16 June 1994, SU/2025, B/4–5.
The government has pursued a parallel campaign in the CSCE (later OSCE) since mid-1992, lobbying hard at the Rome Council meeting in December 1993. In 1994, the Russian representative, Vitaly Shevstov, proposed that future OSCE peacekeeping be based on ‘third parties’ — that is, Russia in the former Soviet Union. See the discussion in Roy Allison (1994), Peacekeeping in Soviet Successor States (Chaillot Paper, November), pp. 47–9.
Itar-Tass, Moscow, 31 January 1994, SU/1911, B/10–11.
Interview in Nezavisimaya Gazeta, 24 November 1993, pp. 1, 3.
See Kozyrev’s speech to the UN, 26 September 1995, in Diplomatichesky Vestnik (October 1995), pp. 49–51.
Andrei Kozyrev, Rossiyskaya Gazeta, 30 October 1993, pp. 1, 7.
See Mikhail Karpov, Nezavisimaya Gazeta, 5 April 1994, p. 1.
Andrei Kozyrev to UN on 26 September 1995, Itar-Tass, Moscow, SU/2400, B/12; and International Affairs (Moscow, March 1995), pp. 7–15.
See the text of this speech in Krasnaya Zvezda, 24 October 1995, p. 1.
Andrei Kozyrev, Segodnya, 6 June 1993, p. 3.
Andrei Kozyrev (1994) ‘Russia and NATO: A Partnership for a United and Peaceful Europe’ NATO Review (August) 1994, pp. 3–6. See also Kozyrev’s speech to NATO Council, 31 May 1995, Diplomatichesky Vestnik (July 1995), pp. 22–3.
See, for example, Sergei Rogov, Nezavisimaya Gazeta, 31 December 1994, pp. 1, 4, 5; and in SSHA: Ekonomika, Politika,Ideologiya (March 1995), pp. 3–14; Vladimir Lukin, Izvestiya, 12 May 1995, p. 2; and Interview in SSHA (October 1995), pp. 77–9; and Aleksei Arbatov (1994) ‘The Prospect of the Eastern Widening of NATO: A Russian Point of View’, Paper presented to a conference in Prague, 24 October, JPRS UMA-94–055, pp. 8–14.
See reports in Izvestiya, 26 November 1993; Nezavisimaya Gazeta, 26 November 1993; and Segodnya, 27 November 1993.
See the adviser to Kozyrev, Galina Sidorovna, Segodnya, 27 November 1993, cited in Aleksandr Konovalov (1995) `International Institutions and European Security: The Russian Debate’, in Marco Carnovale
(ed.), in European Security and International Institutions after the Cold War, p. 132.
Apparently, the MFA called for there to be no nuclear weapons or groups of forces deployed in the ‘enlarged’ areas; Aleksei Pushkov, Moskovskiye Novosti (19–26 March 1995), p. 7.
For a General Staff view, see the interview with General Dmitry Kharchenko, Krasnaya Zvezda, 12 July 1995, p. 3.
‘Kozyrev Not In the Know’, Nezavisimaya Gazeta, 25 November 1995, p. 1.
Grachev represented the government increasingly in negotiations with NATO. See the report of Grachev visit to Brussels in Krasnaya Zvezda, 15 June 1996.
Cited in Aleksandr Konovalov (1995), p. 132.
Ekaterina Akapova, Kommersant Daily, 16 March, p. 1, CDPSP (11–95), pp. 7–8.
In an interview with the author, Aleksandr Belkin, (an analyst at the CFDP) argued that the NATO issue was devised as a weapon to oust Kozyrev from the MFA.
In March 1996, Yeltsin once again decreed that the MFA should play the role of coordinator of foreign policy and exercise supervision of all its aspects; Leonid Velekhov, Segodnya, 14 March 1996, p. 3. See also the report in Diplomatichesky Vestnik, no. 4, (April 1996), pp. 3–4. This was more significant given Primakov’s stature. With Yeltsin’s illness, Aleksei Pushkov saw an increasing role for the MFA through Primakov’s authority; Moskovskiye Novosti (8–15 September 1996), p. 5.
Scc the report in Diplomatichesky Vestnik (February 1996), pp. 3–6. For Primakov’s views on the ‘far abroad’, see, for example, Primakov, Nezavisimaya Gazeta, 1 October 1996, pp. 1, 5.
Itar-Tass, Moscow, 2 April 1996, SU/2578, A/1. See Dmitry Gornostayev for an account of Primakov’s first year; Nezavisimaya Gazeta, 9 January 1997, pp. 1, 2.
This consensus was confirmed in the Memo on National Security, Nezavisimaya Gazeta, 14 June 1996, pp. 7–8; see also the Yeltsin decree on ‘Strategic Course of Russia Towards the Member States of the CIS’, of September 1995. For one, Aleksei Arbatov continued to attack the MFA for a lack of strategy towards the CIS: International Affairs (Moscow, November 1994), pp. 11–30.
See the report in Inside CentralAsia, 8–14 July 1996, p. 3.
‘Russian Federation National Security Concept’, Rossiyskaya Gazeta, 26 December 1997, reported in SU/3114, S2/1–14.
See, for example, the interview with Vladimir Lukin in Mezhdunarodnaya Zhizn, October 1997.
See ‘Upholding National Interests’, Rossiyskaya Gazeta, 13 May 1998.
See, for example, the protocol struck by Deputy Foreign Minister Boris Pastukhov with Azerbaijan on this issue, on 29 March 1998, SU/3188, F/2.
TV6, Moscow, 26 October 1997, SU/3061, B/4.
See Armen Khanbabyan, ‘Russia is no longer a Big Brother’, Nezavisimaya Gazeta, 15 May 1998.
Primakov immediately toured the former Soviet republics after being appointed foreign minister. He has also reshuffled the upper ranks of the MFA, giving Adamishin a more prominent place. See reports on new appointments in Diplomatichesky Vestnik (March and June 1996). In interviews by the author, Aleksandr Belkin, from the CFDP, and Pavel Kandel, Head of Group at the Russian Institute of Europe, argued that Primakov was a`heavyweight’ with better access to Yeltsin than Rodionov.
See overview of Primakov’s first year by D. Gornostayev, Nezavisimaya Gazeta, 9 January 1997, pp. 1, 2.
Reported on Prism, Jamestown Monitor (Internet), 4 November 1996.
Vladimir Lukin (1992) Foreign Policy (Autumn), p. 67.
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Lynch, D. (2000). The Evolution of Foreign Policy towards the ‘Near Abroad’. In: Russian Peacekeeping Strategies in the CIS. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780333984215_3
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