Abstract
Studying the early years of the German Social Democratic party, Robert Michels made his most often-quoted proposition on internal party organization: to speak of organization is, inevitably, to speak of a tendency to oligarchy.1 Yet when applying this dictum to the early years of ND development, we are confronted with something of a paradox. After the end of military rule and the return to democratic politics in 1974, it was precisely the undisputed leader of ND, together with his ‘oligarchic’ inner circle, who actually urged that serious attention be given to the organization of the nascent party and, to a significant degree, became its real driving force.2 At least at the formal level of inner party developments, most initiatives for the organization of ND originated from the top leadership of the party rather than from its grass-roots. This is remarkable, especially when taking into account the exceptionally high degree of charismatic popularity that the ND party leader commanded. Although there is considerable osmosis between charisma and oligarchy, the former concept is absent from Michels’ analysis. This may be because (following Weber) charisma is generally thought of as incompatible with organization.
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Notes
Robert Michels, Political Parties: A Sociological Study of the Oligarchic Tendencies of Modern Europe (New York: The Free Press, 1968).
No less paradoxical in this respect was the very early timing of the call for party organization. Usually, and especially in their earliest transitional phase, processes of regime democratization require rather undemocratic party structures. See on this point Klaus von Beyme, Political Parties in Western Democracies (New York: St Martin’s Press, 1985), 233.
For the importance of external institutions sponsoring political parties, see Angelo Panebianco, Political Parties: Organization and Power (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988), 51–52.
A comprehensive account of the early organizational efforts of the contemporary political parties is in Pavlos Bakogianes, He Anatomia tes Hellenikes Politikes [Anatomy of the Greek Politics] (Athens: Papazeses, 1977). A more informed analysis, which however excludes the traditional centrist parties, is Christoforos Vernardakes, ‘Ta Politika Kommata sten Hellada 1974–1985: Scheseis Ekprosopeses kai Scheseis Nomimopoieses sto Fos tou Politikou kai Koinonikou Antagonismou’ (The Political Parties in Greece 1974–1985: Representation and Legitimacy in the Light of Political and Social Conflict) (Ph.D. Thesis, Athens University, 1995).
Strates Strateges, ‘To Katastatiko tes ND: Themelio Demokratikes Esokommatikes Diadikasias’ [The ND Party Statutes: The Foundation of Intraparty Democracy], Epikentra, no. 8 (May-June 1979): 42.
Dennis C. Beller and Frank P. Belloni, ‘Party and Faction: Modes of Political Competition’, in Faction Politics: Political Parties and Factionalism in Comparative Perspective, eds, Beller, Dennis S. and Frank P. Belloni (Santa Barbara, Cal.: Clio Press, 1978), 419. Most of the chapters in this volume may be read as a rather frustrated effort to arrive at a commonly acceptable definition of factions.
For a discussion on the structure of political opportunities in relation to understanding tensions within political parties, see Joseph A. Schlesinger, ‘Party Units’, in International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, ed. David L. Sills (New York: Macmillan & The Free Press, 1968), 11: 428–36. A more sophisticated follow-up of the same subject is in Sartori, Parties and Party Systems, 93–104, where he defines the structure of opportunities to be ‘the overall context of rewards and deprivations, of payoffs and sanctions, in which party men live and operate’.
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© 1998 Takis S. Pappas
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Pappas, T.S. (1998). The Internal Organization Level: How ‘Democratic’ was ND?. In: Making Party Democracy in Greece. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780333983614_5
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/9780333983614_5
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