Abstract
Liberal arguments for toleration often seem to rest on values as contestable as the practice of toleration itself. Some liberals insist that the only worthwhile way of life is ‘self-chosen’ and led in a challenging and experimental society. As Susan Mendus argues, this autonomy-based liberalism sees toleration as only a pragmatic device for encouraging such lives, and restricts its benefits to ‘those diverse forms of life which themselves value autonomy’.1 Forms of life which value simplicity, hierarchy or fixed moral codes may be allowed to perish, or at least would not receive equal treatment under this dispensation. Other liberals hope to avoid the task of vindicating the ultimate value of an autonomous life, and instead evoke a neutral perspective, from which the state shows equal concern for the freedom of all its citizens, independently of their particular views about the meaning, value and purpose of human life. The suspicion lingers over this manoeuvre too that ‘the liberal has nothing to say to someone whose conception of the good is non-liberal except that he must set this conception aside for political purposes’.2 These perspectives on toleration, according to their critics, merely assert controversial liberal values in a pluralistic social context.3
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Notes
Susan Mendus, Toleration and the Limits of Liberalism (London: Methuen,1989) p. 108. Compare Joseph Raz, The Morality of Freedom (Oxford: Clarendon, 1988) esp. p. 423.
David Miller, ‘Citizenship and Pluralism’, in Political Studies, Vol. 43 (1995) p. 448. Compare Stephen Macedo, ‘Toleration and Fundamentalism’, in R. Goodin and P. Pettit (eds.), A Companion to Contemporary Political Philosophy (Oxford: Blackwell, 1993) pp. 622–8.
Compare the papers by Andrea Baumeister and Bhikhu Parekh in this volume, and R. Bellamy, Liberalism and Modern Society (Oxford: Polity, 1992).
Jeremy Waldron, Liberal Rights (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993) p. 44.
S. Benhabib, ‘Deliberative Rationality and Models of Democratic Legitimacy’, in Constellations, Vol. 1 (1994) p. 26. Compare B. Manin, ‘On Legitimacy and Political deliberation’, inPolitical Theory, Vol. 15 (1987) pp. 338–68.
J. Cohen, ‘Procedure and Substance in Deliberative Democracy’, in S. Benhabib (ed.), Democracy and Difference (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996) p. 95. See also J. Cohen, ‘Deliberation and Democratic Legitimacy’, in A. Hamlin and P. Pettit (eds.), The Good Polity (Oxford: Blackwell, 1989) pp. 17–34.
Miller, ‘Citizenship and Pluralism’, p. 450.
Cohen, ‘Procedure and Substance’, p. 100.
Cf. Onora O’Neill, Constructions of Reason (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989) pp. 28–50; T. Baldwin, ‘Toleration and the Right to Freedom’, in J. Horton and S. Mendus (eds.), Aspects of Toleration (London: Methuen, 1985) pp. 36–52; J. Bohman, Public Deliberation (Cambridge, MA: MIT, 1996) esp. pp. 25–6. See also S. Macedo, ‘The Politics of Justification’, in Political Theory, Vol. 18 (1990) pp. 280–304; F. D’Agostino, ‘Some Modes of Public Justification’, in The Australian Journal of Philosophy, Vol. 69 (1991) pp. 390–414 (a detailed taxonomy and analysis); F. D’Agostino, Free Public Reason (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996); B. Brower, ‘The Limits of Public Reason’, in Journal of Philosophy, Vol. 91 (1994) pp. 5–26.
M. Williams, ‘Justice towards Groups: Political not Juridical’, in Political Theory, Vol. 23 (1995) p. 80. Compare B. Barber, The Conquest of Politics (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1988); S. Benhabib, Situating the Self (Cambridge: Polity, 1992); I.M. Young, ‘Impartiality and the Civic Public’, in S. Benhabib and D. Cornell (eds.), Feminism as Critique (Cambridge: Polity, 1987) pp. 77–95; A. Gutmann, ‘The Challenge of Multiculturalism in Political Ethics’, in Philosophy and Public Affairs, Vol. 22 (1993) pp. 171–206. Young’s extension of this argument into a radical critique of the deliberative project is discussed by several contributors to this volume.
J. Dewey, ‘Religion and Morality in a Free Society’, in J. Boydston (ed.), Later Works of John Dewey, 1925–52 (Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 1981–2) Vol. 15, p. 182.
Compare J. Elster, ‘The Market and the Forum’, in J. Elster and A. Hylland (eds.), Foundations of Social Choice Theory (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993) pp. 103–22; A. Gutmann and D. Thompson, ‘Moral Conflict and Political Consensus’, in Ethics, Vol. 101 (1990) esp. p. 71; A. Gutmann, ‘The Virtues of Democratic Self-Constraint’, in A. Etzioni (ed.), New Communitarian Thinking (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 1995) pp. 154–69; D. Miller, ‘Deliberative Democracy and Social Choice’, in D. Held (ed.), Prospects for Democracy (Cambridge: Polity, 1993) pp. 74–92.
Elster, ‘Market and Forum’; Cohen, ‘Democratic Legitimacy’, p. 29; Mark Warren, ‘Democratic Theory and Self-Transformation’, in American Political Science Review, Vol. 86 (1992) 8–23.
This distinction seems to be recognised by Cohen, ‘Procedure and Substance’ p. 100.
John Rawls, Political Liberalism (New York: Columbia University Press, 1993), Lecture II. My discussion here abstracts the treatment of ‘public reasons’ from the overall structure of Rawls’ theory. The same is true of the discussion of Ackerman in this section.
Rawls, Political Liberalism, p. 217.
Rawls, Political Liberalism, p. 216. Compare Brower, ‘Limits of Public Reason’.
Rawls, Political Liberalism, p. 217.
B. Ackerman, ‘Why Dialogue?’, in Journal of Philosophy, Vol. 86 (1989) p. 16.
Ackerman, ‘Why Dialogue?’, pp. 17–18. Cf. C. Larmore, ‘Political Liberalism’, inPolitical Theory, Vol. 18 (1990) p. 347.
Ackerman, ‘Why Dialogue?’, p. 19. Compare J.D. Moon, Constructing Community: Moral Pluralism and Tragic Conflicts (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993) p. 77.
N. Rescher, Pluralism (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1993) pp. 156–85.
Compare Ackerman, ‘Why Dialogue?’, p. 8.
Of the vast corpus the most pertinent texts are J. Habermas, Moral Consciousness and Communicative Action, trans. C. Lenhardt and S.W. Nicholson (Cambridge: Polity, 1990); J. Habermas,Justification and Application: Remarks on Discourse Ethics, trans. C.P. Cronin (Cambridge: Polity, 1993); J. Habermas, Between Facts and Norms: Contributions to a Discourse Theory of Law and Democracy, trans. W. Rehg (Cambridge: Polity, 1996); K.O. Apel, Towards a Transformation of Philosophy, trans. G. Adie and D. Frisby (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1980).
R. Klein, Cigarettes are Sublime (London: Picador, 1995).
Cf. Laurence Thomas, ‘Morality and Psychological Development’, in P. Singer (ed.), A Companion to Ethics (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1991) pp. 464–75.
For example, Habermas, Between Facts and Norms, p. 121.
Cohen, ‘Procedure and Substance’, p. 102.
Ibid., p. 104.
Cf. C. Larmore, Patterns of Moral Complexity (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987) pp. 64–5: ‘the obligation of equal respect consists in our being obligated to treat another as he is treating us... to use his having a perspective on the world as a reason for discussing the merits of our action rationally with him (in the light of how we understand a rational discussion)’. This is not to say that we must try to offer public reasons and arguments in this process of discussion.
William Galston, Liberal Purposes (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991) p. 109; Macedo, ‘Politics of Justification’.
Cohen, ‘Procedure and Substance’, p. 102.
Ibid., p. 103.
Cf. W. Kymlicka, Multicultural Citizenship (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995) pp. 155–8.
I would like to thank all the participants at the Morrell conference in York, at which a much earlier version of this paper was given. William Lucy, Susan Mendus and Bhikhu Parekh in particular have given useful stimulus and criticism.
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Festenstein, M. (1999). Toleration and Deliberative Politics. In: Horton, J., Mendus, S. (eds) Toleration, Identity and Difference. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780333983379_8
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