Abstract
The purpose of this chapter is to link the processes of democratization that developed in nineteenth-century Britain and Europe with those of the twentieth-century’s inter-war period. The point of intersection is, of course, the First World War, by the end of which democracy as a cause had been ‘outed’ as never before as part of the heightened politicization of European life in the post-war era. The problem that arises is why the experience of the war sensitised issues concerning the form of government and society as it did, and in particular how it had an impact on the values and processes of democratization. The answer I want to consider is a simple one: that the raison d’être of the war was ‘to make the world safe for democracy’. The phrase was US President Woodrow Wilson’s, and was at the heart of his justification of US intervention in April 1917;1 but was it at the heart of the involvement of other belligerent governments during the war? The question I want to grapple with is, therefore, the extent to which the elevation of political and ideological values — and particularly democracy — by 1918 can be attributed to state advocacy during the war, in the shape of war aims and propaganda.
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Notes and references
R. S. Baker and W. E. Dodd (eds), The Public Papers of Woodrow Wilson, vol. 5 (New York: Harper, 1925–27) pp. 6–16. Wilson used the phrase in his Message to Congress, 2 April 1917, in which he announced America’s declaration of war.
This theme is explored by Arthur Marwick, and is well summarized in his War and Social Change in the Twentieth Century (London: Macmillan , 1974).
A. J. Mayer, Political Origins of the New Diplomacy 1917–1918 (New York: Vintage Books, 1970).
Arno Mayer, in his The Persistence of the Old Regime (London: Croom Helm, 1981), nevertheless argues that for all the belligerent powers of Europe, ‘The Great War was an expression of the decline and fall of the old order fighting to preserve its life rather than of the explosive rise of industrial capitalism bent on imposing its primacy’ p. 4.
For an analysis of German political warfare, see F. Fischer, Germany’s Aims in the First World War (London: Chatto and Windus, 1977) ch. 4: ‘The Promotion of Revolution: Means and Ends’, pp. 120–54.
D. Stevenson, French War Aims against Germany 1914–1919 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1982) p. 17, citing Viviani speech, 22 December 1914 JO (Chambre) 1914, pp. 3124–5.
J. B. Scott, (ed.), Official Statements of War Aims and Peace Proposals December 1916-November 1918 (Washington, DC: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 1921) p. 224.
This account is based on M. Sanders and P. M. Taylor, British Propaganda during the First World War 1914–1918 (London: Macmillan, 1982).
For Wilson’s war and peace policies see (as well as other works cited in these footnotes): C. Bartlett, The Rise and Fall of Pax Americana (London: Elek, 1974);
P. Devlin, Too Proud to Fight: Woodrow Wilson’s Neutrality (London: Oxford University Press, 1974);
A. S. Link, Woodrow Wilson and the Progressive Era 1910–1917 (New York: Harper & Row, 1954);
and E. R. May, The World War and American Isolation (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1959).
Cited in C. Seymour, American Diplomacy during the World War (Baltimore; Md: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1942) pp. 269–70.
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© 2000 Ralph White
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White, R. (2000). Democracy and War. In: Garrard, J., Tolz, V., White, R. (eds) European Democratization since 1800. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780333983317_5
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/9780333983317_5
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