Abstract
The following extracts from three South Asian analysts provide typical examples of a perspective commonly adopted regarding Indo-Bangladesh relations during Ziaur Rahman’s regime:
Indo-Bangladesh relations in the post-Mujib era were more or less governed by the domestic compulsions of Bangladesh. At the domestic front, political instability and economic crisis dominated the scene. Trade between the two countries was on the path of decline. The political elites of Bangladesh tried to make political gains by raising the Muhuri char and New Moore island controversies. Their main purpose was to divert the attention of the people from domestic miseries. These irritants no doubt spoiled the relations of India and Bangladesh.1
The unstable [Indo-Bangladesh] relationship is rooted in past memories of Hindu domination and partition of India. Later the attitude and postures of successive governments of Bangladesh have influenced shaping of the relations.2
[T]he psychological need of the Bangladesh Government to distance itself from India and the requirement of external aid and foreign investments from Western and Islamic countries led to a perceptible loosening of Indo-Bangladesh bilateral ties.3
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Notes and References
S.S. Bindra, Indo Bangladesh Relations, New Delhi, 1982, p. 62.
C.J. Gulati, Bangladesh: Liberation to Fundamentalism (A Study of Volatile Indo-Bangladesh Relations), New Delhi, 1988, p. 221.
U.S. Bajpai (ed.), India and Its Neighbourhood, New Delhi, 1986, p. 294.
P. Ghosh, Cooperation and Conflict in South Asia, New Delhi, 1989, p. 1.
L. Lifschultz, Bangladesh: The Unfinished Revolution, London, 1979, p. 102.
These included: the drawn-out negotiations over the return of POWs to Pakistan and the debate over the holding of war crimes trials which provided useful leverage for the Indian government against Pakistan. See D.A. Wright, Bangladesh: Origins and Indian Ocean Relations (1971–1975), New Delhi, 1988, pp. 169–89.
For an in-depth history of the dispute, see A. Lamb, Kashmir: A Disputed Legacy, 1846–1990, Hertingfordbury, 1991.
According to Richard Sisson and Leo Rose, India had ‘compromised its nonalignment principles and involved the Soviet Union — and, for a few years in the 1950s, China — in South Asia as a counter force to the United States. [This was particularly in response to Pakistan’s military alliances involving the United States via SEATO and CENTO]. Kashmir was by no means the only critical issue in these developments, but it assumed a major symbolic role for both the Indian and Pakistani governments’. R. Sisson and L.E. Rose, War and Secession: Pakistan, India and the Creation of Bangladesh, New Delhi, 1990, p. 40.
See L. Ziring, ‘Pakistan and India: Politics, Personalities, and Foreign Policy’, Asian Survey, vol. 18, no. 7, 1978, pp. 714–15.
The demise of the Janata Party’s unity was caused partly by ideological factionalism. For an analysis, see L.I. Rudolph and S.H. Rudolph, ‘Rethinking Secularism: Genesis and Implications of the Textbook Controversy, 1977–79’, Pacific Affairs, vol. 56, no. 1, 1983, pp. 15–37.
According to the Janata government’s minister for external affairs, A.B. Vajpayee, the government’s emphasis on non-alignment represented the restoration of ‘idealism and principled behaviour in the conduct of India’s foreign policy’. A.B. Vajpayee, ‘India’s Foreign Policy Today’, in B. Prasad, India’s Foreign Policy: Studies in Continuity and Change, New Delhi, 1979, p. 9.
J. Das Gupta, ‘The Janata Phase: Reorganization and Redirection in Indian Politics’, Asian Survey, vol. 19, no. 4, 1979, p. 396.
Relations between India and China had already started to improve under Mrs Gandhi with India and China agreeing to exchange ambassadors on 15 April 1976. New York Times, April 16, 1976. In further improving ties with China, Desai’s government aimed to off-set excessive Soviet influence and hence pursue a more independent foreign policy. See W.K. Andersen, ‘India in Asia: Walking on a Tightrope’, Asian Survey, vol. 19, no. 12, 1979, p. 1249.
For details of the various proposals for augmentation of the Ganges - which range from the construction of dams on Ganges tributaries to the building of a link canal from the Brahmaputra to the Ganges, see M.R. Islam, ‘The Ganges Water Dispute: An Appraisal of a Third Party Settlement’, Asian Survey, vol. 27, no. 8, 1987, pp. 922–6. See also map 7 (p. 00 ).
The West Bengal government also played upon the issue, using legal action to delay the Indian government from handing over the corridor until 1990. See A.K.M. Abdus Sabur, ‘Bangladesh—India Relations: An Overview’, in B. Bastiampillai (ed.), India and Her South Asian Neighbours, Colombo, 1992, p. 167.
I. Hossain, ‘Bangladesh—India Relations: Issues and Problems’, Asian Survey, vol. 21, no. 11, 1981, p. 1124.
See M.H. Rahman, ‘Delimitation of Maritime Boundaries: A Survey of Problems in the Bangladesh Case’, Asian Survey, vol. 24, no. 12, 1984, pp. 1302–17.
M. Franda, Bangladesh: The First Decade, New Delhi, 1982, p. 294.
Zia was assassinated on 30 May 1981, barely three days after Parliament’s resolution on New Moore Island had been passed. In the opinion of some scholars, Zia’s political position was particularly shaky at the time, causing him to take a strong anti-Indian stance over the New Moore Island issue in order to create a diversionary focus and thereby consolidate his support. For examples, see Bindra, Indo Bangladesh Relations, pp. 61–2, and N. Jetly, ‘India and the Domestic Turmoil in South Asia’, in U. Phadnis (ed.), Domestic Conflicts in South Asia, vol. 1: Political Dimensions, New Delhi, 1986, p. 73.
F.A. Vali, Politics of the Indian Ocean Region: The Balances of Power, New York, 1976, p. 237.
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© 2000 Kathryn Jacques
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Jacques, K. (2000). 1975–81: Indo-Pakistani Rivalry and Indian Party Politics. In: Bangladesh, India and Pakistan. International Political Economy Series. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780333982488_2
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