Abstract
With the end of the Cold War came the inauguration of a new conception of war, one that sought to invoke humanity in its justifying discourses. The very construction of this form of war as “liberal” attaches to it a certain normative meaning; that war, when undertaken by particular states, is a progressive force globally.2 Intervention in distant lands would from henceforth be undertaken for the protection of other populations, those under threat from their own kinsmen and governments, requiring protection and rescue in the name of international responsibility and human rights. From the First Gulf War, to subsequent actions against Iraq, to the interventions in the Balkans, to Sierra Leone, Somalia, and then, in the post-September 11th context, Afghanistan and Iraq, the “rescue” of populations has been at the forefront of discourses of legitimisation around war. In wars that made a significant shift away from self-defence as the primary legal basis of war’s justification, this moral imperative rendered human rights a constitutive element of war and the political processes surrounding questions of intervention.
Why isn’t anything going on in the senate? Why are the senators sitting there without legislating? Because the barbarians are coming today.
What’s the point of senators making laws now? Once the barbarians are here, they’ll do the legislating.
C.P. Cavafy1
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Chapter 4 War, the International, the Human
C.P. Cavafy, Collected Poems, trans. Edmund Keeley and Philip Sherrard (London: Chatto and Windus, 1998), p. 14.
See, for example, Lawrence Freedman, “The Age of Liberal Wars”, Review of International Studies, Vol. 31 (2005), pp. 93–108.
The Geneva Conventions provide the basis of the protection of civilians in time of war and in periods of occupation. The Nuremberg and Tokyo Trials set the framework for war crimes, including “crimes against peace”, “war crimes”, and “crimes against humanity”. See Geoffrey Best, War and Law (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994).
See Philippe Sands, Lawless World: America and the Making and Breaking of Global Rules (London: Allen Lane, 2005).
See Rob Walker, “International Relations and the Concept of the Political”, in Ken Booth and Steve Smith (eds), International Relations Theory Today (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1995).
For debates around humanitarian intervention, see Andrew Williams, Liberalism and War (London and New York: Routledge, 2006)
Nicholas Wheeler, Saving Strangers: Humanitarian Intervention in International Society (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000).
Danilo Zolo, Invoking Humanity: war, law, and global order (London: Continuum, 2002), p. 38.
Michael Dillon, “Criminalising Social and Political Violence Internationally”, Millennium, Vol. 27, No. 3 (1998), pp. 543–69.
See Mike Crang and Nigel Thrift, “Introduction”, in Mike Crang and Nigel Thrift (eds), Thinking Space (London and New York: Routledge, 2000), for a discussion of the spatiality of knowledge and its implications for self-other relations.
Anthony Giddens, Modernity and Self Identity: Self and Society in the Late Modern Age (Cambridge: Polity, 1991), pp. 21–2.
See, for example, Thomas Franck, “Who Killed Article 2 (4)? Or: Changing Norms Governing the Use of Force by States”, American Journal of International Law, Vol. 64 (1970).
Richard Falk, “Legality and legitimacy: the quest for principled flexibility and restraint”, Review of International Studies, Vol. 31 (2005), p. 33.
Martin Shaw, War and Genocide (Cambridge: Polity, 2003), p. 60.
Neil Walker, “Sovereignty, International Security, and the Regulation of Armed Conflict: the Possibilities of Political Agency”, in Jef Huysmans, Andrew Dobson, and Raia Prokhovnik (eds) The Politics of Protection (London and New York: Routledge, 2006), p. 155.
Paul Hirst and Graham Thompson, Globalisation in Question (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1999).
See Jef Huysmans, “Discussing Sovereignty and Transnational Politics”, in Neil Walker (ed.), Sovereignty in Transition (Oxford: Hart, 2003), pp. 209–28.
See Enrique Dussel, The Underside of Modernity (New York: Humanity Books, 1998).
E.H. Carr, Nationalism and After (London: Macmillan, 1945).
Andrew Linklater, The Transformation of Political Community (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1998), p. 159.
David Held, Global Covenant: The Social Democratic Alternative to the Washington Consensus (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2004)..
Andrew M. Moravcsik, Liberalism and International Relations Theory (Centre for International Affairs, Harvard University, Working Paper No. 92–6, 1992)
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Anne-Marie Slaughter, “International Law in a World of Liberal States”, European Journal of International Law, Vol. 6 (1995), p. 6.
Christian Reus-Smit, “Liberal Hierarchy and the License to Use Force”, Review of International Studies, Vol. 31, Special Issue, December (2005), pp. 71–92.
See Mary Kaldor, New and Old Wars: Organised Violence in a Global Era (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1999), pp. 91–2.
Francis Fukuyama, State Building: Governance and World Order in the Twenty-First Century (London: Profile Books, 2004), p. 125.
On the state as “protection racket” see Charles Tilly, “War Making and State Making as Organised Crime”, in P.B. Evans, D. Rueschemeyer and T. Skocpol (eds), Bringing the State Back In (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985), pp. 169–91.
Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri, Empire (Cambridge, MA, and London: Harvard University Press, 2000).
David Campbell, Politics Without Principle: Sovereignty, Ethics, and the Narratives of the Gulf War (Boulder, CO, and London: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 1993).
For a discussion of the language of war, see Vivienne Jabri, Discourses on Violence: Conflict Analysis Reconsidered (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1996), chapter 4.
For Judith Butler, this represented a championing of a “masculinized Western subject whose will immediately translates into a deed.” See Judith Butler, “Contingent Foundations”, in Benhabib et al, Feminist Contentions (London and New York: Routledge, 1995), p. 43.
Tony Blair, “A New Generation Draws the Line”, Newsweek, April 19th 1999. For a discussion of the genesis of this speech, see John Kampfner, Blair’s Wars (London: Free Press, 2004), p. 52.
For a critical evaluation of the concept of peace as governance, see Oliver Richmond, The Transformation of Peace (London and New York: Palgrave, 2005).
Michel Foucault, “Governmentality”, in Michel Foucault, Power, The Essential Works, Vol. 3, edited by James D. Faubion, trans., Robert Hurley and others (London: Allen Lane, 2001), p. 220.
Richard Falk, “Legality and Legitimacy: the quest for principled flexibility and restraint”, Review of International Studies, Vol. 31, Special Issue, December 2005, p. 34.
See in particular, Allen Buchanan and Robert Keohane, “The Preventive Use of Force: A Cosmopolitan Institutional Proposal”, Ethics and International Affairs, Vol. 18, No. 1 (2004), pp. 1–22.
Michael Dillon, “Cared to Death: The Biopoliticised Time of Your Life”, Foucault Studies, No. 2 (2005), pp. 37–46.
Mark Duffield, Global Governance and the New Wars: The Merging of Development and Security (London: Zed Books, 2001).
Michel Foucault, The Will to Knowledge, History of Sexuality, Vol. 1 (London: Penguin, 1998), p. 141.
Giorgio Agamben, Remnants of Auschwitz: The Witness and the Archive (New York, NY: Zone Books, 1999).
Michel Foucault, Society Must Be Defended, trans. David Macey (London: Allen Lane, 2003).
Giorgio Agamben, Homo Sacer: Sovereign Power and Bare Life, trans. Daniel Heller-Roazen (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1998), p. 6.
Mitchell Dean, Governmentality: Power and Rule in Modern Society (London and New York, Sage, 1999), p. 132.
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© 2007 Vivienne Jabri
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Jabri, V. (2007). War, the International, the Human. In: War and the Transformation of Global Politics. Rethinking Peace and Conflict Studies. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230626393_4
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230626393_4
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