Abstract
In recent years, the number of publications focusing on “Empire” has been skyrocketing. Since the arrival of the “unipolar moment” following the fall of the “Evil Empire” in 1991, the term has been usually associated with the United States and its expanding sphere of influence. One notable exception, of course, is Michael Hardt’s and Antonio Negri’s much publicized perspective on Empire as a radically new paradigm of authority and control that cannot be reduced to American power—a “new global order” composed of a series of national and supranational organisms that supersede old, nation-state-centered forms of sovereignty.’ But the enormity of the Al-Qaeda attacks and the ensuing belligerent response that the Bush administration was bent on waging, what former Central Command’s General John Abizaid calls, the “long war on global terror,” brought the public discourse on Empire back to the role of America in the world— sparking the process over whether the world’s irate “hyper-power” had embarked on a “new imperialism.” Soon, the post-September 11 cacophony over American Empire merged with long-standing high-profile debates on “globalization” toform narratives that explored the meanings and normative implications of what I have referred to else-where as “imperial globalism.”3
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Notes
Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri (2000) Empire (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press).
Manfred B. Steger (2005) “Ideologies of Globalization” Journal of Political Ideologies 10 (1), 11–30; (2005) Globalism: Market Ideology Meets Terrorism, Second Edition (Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield); and (2008) The Rise of the Global Imaginary: Political Ideologies from the French Revolution to the Global War on Terror (Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press).
Chalmers Johnson (2004) The Sorrows of Empire: Militarism, Secrecy, and the End of the Republic (New York: Metropolitan Books);
and Jan Nederveen Pieterse (2004) Globalization or Empire? (New York: Routledge).
See Erik C. Nisbet, Matthew C. Nisbet, Dietram A. Scheufele, and James E. Shanahan (2004) “Public Diplomacy, Television News, and Muslim Opinion,” Harvard International Journal of Press/Politics 9 (2), 11–37. The article also includes a comprehensive world opinion poll conducted between November 2003 and February 2004 in nineteen countries. It found that 55 percent of respondents believed that the United States exerted a negative influence in the world. See World Public Opinion Poll published by the Program on International Policy Attitudes (PIPA), June 4, 2004, http://www.pipa.org/OnlineReports/Global_Issues/globescan_press_06_04.pdf (accessed March 30, 2007).
For an enlightening discussion of the neoconservative “Project for a New American Century,” see Tom Barry and Jim Lobe (2003) “The People,” in John Feffer (ed.) Power Trip: U. S. Unilateralism and Global Strategy after September 11 (New York: Seven Story Press), 39–49;
and Claes G. Ryn (2003) “The Ideology of American Empire,” Orbis 47 (2) 383–397.
See, for example, Peter G. Peterson (2002) “Public Diplomacy and the War on Terrorism,” Foreign Affairs 81 (5), 77;
Christopher Ross (2002) “Public Diplomacy Comes of Age,” The Washington Quarterly 25 (2), 75–83;
and Antony J. Blinken (2002) “Winning the War of Ideas,” The Washington Quarterly 25 (2), 101–114
For various definitions of “public diplomacy,” see Jarol B. Manheim (1994) Strategic Public Diplomacy and American Foreign Policy: The Evolution of Influence (New York: Oxford University Press).
Peter van Ham (2003) “War, Lies, and Videotape: Public Diplomacy and the USA’s War on Terrorism,” Security Dialogue 34 (4), 429.
Richard Holbrooke, “Get the Message Out,” Washington Post (October 28, 2001). For an excellent study of public diplomacy as rhetoric, see Siobhan McEvoy-Levy(2001) American Exceptionalism and US Foreign Policy: Public Diplomacy at the End of the Cold War (New York: Palgrave).
Carnes Lord (2006) Losing Hearts and Minds? Public Diplomacy and Strategic Influence in the Age of Terror (Westport: Praeger), 7–9.
A. A. Bardos (2001) “‘Public Diplomacy’: An Old Art, a New Profession,” The Virginia Quarterly Review 77 (3), 424.
John Fousek (2000) To Lead the Free World.: American Nationalism & the Cultural Roots of the Cold War (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press), 7.
McEvoy-Levy, American Exceptionalism and US Foreign Policy, 24. For a comprehensive exploration of “American exceptionalism,” see Seymour Martin Lipset (1997) American Exceptionalism: A Double Edged Sword (New York: Norton).
Julia E. Sweig (2006) Friendly Fire: Losing Friends and Making Enemies in the Anti-American Century (New York: Public Affairs), 42–43.
Joseph S. Nye (2004) “The Decline of America’s Soft Power: Why Washington Should Worry,” Foreign Affairs 83 (3), 17:
For an informative overview of the organizational structure of US public diplomacy, see Rosaleen Smyth (2000 “Mapping US Public Diplomacy in the 21st Century,” Australian Journal of International Affairs 55 (3), 421–444.
James M. Blaut (1993) The Colonizer’s Model of the World: Geographic Diffusionism and Eurocentric History (New York: Guilford Press).
See also Edward Said (1978) Orientalism (New York: Vintage).
Michael Mandelbaum (2002) The Ideas that Conquered the World.: Peace, Democracy and Free Markets in the Twenty-First Century (Washington, DC: Public Affairs), 79.
James Rosenau (2003) Distant Proximities: Dynamics Beyond Globalization (Princeton: Princeton University Press).
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© 2009 Michális S. Michael and Fabio Petito
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Steger, M.B. (2009). Monologue of Empire Versus Global Dialogue of Cultures: The Branding of “American Values”. In: Michael, M.S., Petito, F. (eds) Civilizational Dialogue and World Order. Culture and Religion in International Relations. Palgrave Macmillan, New York. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230621602_8
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