Abstract
Even as East End magistrates and police were shutting down cafés where interracial social contact reportedly took place, raiding Chinese gambling houses, and deporting the Chinese men accused of running them, international pressure was growing for Britain to bring its domestic narcotics laws into line with the stipulations of the 1912 international Hague Opium Convention. The incorporation of the latter into the Treaty of Versailles, combined with the growing public anxiety over gender and vice in the wake of the Billie Carleton affair, gave Sir Malcolm Delevigne of the Home Office the political momentum he needed to expand the state’s power vis-à-vis the trade in illicit narcotics.1 The reported growth of narcotics addiction in the empire also helped spur this change.2 On September 1, 1920, the Dangerous Drugs Act made permanent the wartime emergency powers regulating narcotics.3 Building on the foundation of DORA 40b, the act absolutely prohibited the importation of prepared opium; prohibited, except under license, the import, export, or manufacture of raw opium, cocaine, morphine, and heroin; and raised the maximum penalties for violation of these statutes to six months’ imprisonment and a fine of £200.
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Notes
Terry Parsinnen, Secret Passions, Secret Remedies: Narcotic Drugs in British Society, 1820–1930 (Philadephia: Institute for the Study of Human Issues, 1983), 137.
Marek Kohn, Dope Girls: The Birth of the British Drug Underground (London: Granta, 2001), 134. Alfred Hitchcock would serve as an apprentice under Graham-Cutts the following year.
The focus of the second set of high-profile cases involving race, narcotics, and interracial sexuality was Edgar Manning, a black musician who was convicted on cocaine, opium, and firearms charges in April 1922 and again in July 1923, amid much media attention. Times (London), July 20, 1923, 9; Virginia Berridge, “The Origins of the English Drug ‘Scene’ 1890–1930,” Medical History 32 (1988): 62; Kohn, Dope Girls, 150–58.
Cay Van Ash and Elizabeth Sax Fohmer, Master of Villainy: A Biography of Sax Rohmer (Bowling Green, OH: Bowling Green University Popular Press, 1972), 157.
Robert Bickers, “New Light on Lao She, London, and the London Missionary Society, 1921–1929,” Modern Chinese Literature 8 (1994): 35–36.
Prominent among these latter groups were Jews from Eastern Europe and Russia, a group that had borne the brunt of much anti-immigrant sentiment in the prewar and wartime years, and black seamen. Colin Holmes, John Bull’s Island: Immigration & British Society, 1871–1971 (Houndsmills, U.K.: Macmillan, 1988), 140–41;
Laura Tabili, “We Ask for British Justice”: Workers and Racial Difference in Late Imperial Britain (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1994).
J. G. Birch, Limehouse Through Five Centuries (London: The Sheldon Press, 1930), 145. According to Birch, Burke himself had called his Limehouse writings “experiments in the grotesque and arabesque.”
Lao, She (Shu Ch’ing-ch’un), Mr. Ma and Son: a Sojourn in London (1929–30), translated into English by Julie Jimmerson (Beijing: Foreign Languages Press, 1991), 15.
Pacific Affairs 4, no. 3 (March 1931): 243–44.
David Walker, Anxious Nation: Australia and the Rise of Asia, 1850–1939 (St. Lucia, Australia: University of Queensland Press, 1999), 176–80;
William F. Wu, The Yellow Peril: Chinese Americans in American Fiction, 1850–1940 (Hamden, CT: Archon Books, 1982).
Louis Heren, Growing Up Poor in London (London: Hamish Hamilton, 1973), 16.
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© 2009 Sascha Auerbach
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Auerbach, S. (2009). Epilogue. In: Race, Law, and “The Chinese Puzzle” in Imperial Britain. Palgrave Macmillan, New York. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230620926_7
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