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Abstract

The dramatic political debates that embroiled the English in the 1790s were not limited to discussions concerning the rights of men alone. In 1792, Mary Wollstonecraft famously broke new ground with her controversial A Vindication of the Rights of Woman and inspired similar treatises by other early feminists, such as Mary Hays’s Appeal to the Men of Great Britain in behalf of Women (1798) and Mary Robinson’s A Letter to the Women of England (1799). These writers and others who wished to see a reform of the status of women in contemporary Britain also used the format of the popular novel to draw attention to the ways in which women were oppressed by their domestic duties, by the limited professional options open to them, and by their extremely limited legal status.

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Notes

  1. See Eva Figes, Sex and Subterfuge: Women Writers to 185 (New York: Persea Books, 1988), 56–57.

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  4. Godwin himself acknowledged this alteration of the tradition in relating his plot to the fairy tale of “Bluebeard”. See his preface to the “Standard Novels” edition of Fleetwoo in 1832, reprinted in Caleb William, ed. Gary Handwerk and A. A. Marldey (Peterborough, Ont.: Broadview Press, 2000), 443–50. For the symbolic implications of Caleb’s assumption of the role of the victimized heroine, see Alex Gold, Jr., “It’s Only Love: The Politics of Passion in Godwin’s Caleb William,” Texas Studies in Language and Literatur 19 (1977): 135–60; Mona Scheuermann, Social Protest in the Eighteenth-Century English Nove (Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 1985), 153–54, 165; Ellis, The Contested Castl, 151–60; Robert J. Corber, “Representing the ‘Unspeakable’: William Godwin and the Politics of Homophobia,” Journal of the History of Sexuality 1 (1990) 85–101; Barbara Benedict, “Radcliffe, Godwin, and Self-Possession in the 1790s,” 89–110; Eric Daffron, “‘Magnetical Sympathy’: Strategies of Power and Resistance in Godwin’s Caleb William,” Criticis 37, no. 2 (Spring 1995): 225–26; Johnson, The English Jacobin Novel on Rights, Property, and the La, 124–25; Gavin Edwards, “William Godwin’s Foreign Language: Stories and Families in Caleb William and Political Justic,” Studies in Romanticis 39 (Winter 2000): 550–51; and A. A. Markley, “The Success of Gentleness: Homosocial Desire and the Homosexual Personality in the Novels of William Godwin,” Romanticism on the Ne 36–37 (November 2004–February 2005), http://www.erudit.org/revue/ron/2004/v/n36–37/011139ar.html.

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  5. For readings of the novel as an extension of Wollstonecraft’s agenda in the Vindicatio, see Mitzi Myers, “Unfinished Business: Wollstone-craft’s Mari,” The Wordsworth Circl 11 (1980): 107–14; Mary Poovey, The Proper Lady and the Woman Writer: Ideology as Style in the Works of Mary Wollstonecraft, Mary Shelley, and Jane Auste (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1984), 94–113; Gary Kelly, English Fiction of the Romantic Period 1789–183 (London: Longman, 1988), 38–42; Marilyn Butler, general introduction to The Works of Mary Wollstonecraf, ed. Janet Todd and Marilyn Butler (London: Pickering and Chatto; New York: New York University Press, 1989), I:27; Anne K. Mellor, “Righting the Wrongs of Woman: Mary Wollstonecraft’s Mari,” Nineteenth-Century Context 19, no. 4(1996): 413–24; Elaine Jordan, “Criminal Conversation: Mary Wollstonecraft’s The Wrongs of Woma,” Womes Writin 4, no. 2 (1997): 221–34; Susan C. Greenfield, Mothering Daughters: Novels and the Politics of Family Romance, Frances Burney to JaneAuste (Detroit, MI: Wayne State University Press, 2002), 94–102; Johnson, The English Jacobin Novel on Rights, Property, and the La, 140–44; and R. S. White, Natural Rights and the Birth of Romanticism in the 1790 (Basingstoke and New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005), 109–16. For Wollstonecraft’s uses of Gothic conventions in The Wrongs of Woma, see Ellis, The Contested Castl, 92–98; E. J. Clery, “The Politics of the Gothic Heroine in the 1790s,” in Reviewing Romanticis, ed. Philip W. Martin and Robin Jarvis (London: Macmillan, 1992), 69–85; Eleanor Ty, Unsed Revolutionaries: Five Women Novelists of the 1790 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1993), 33–35; and Anna Neill, “Civilization and the Rights of Woman: Liberty and Captivity in the Work of Mary Wollstonecraft,” Womes Writin 8, no. 1 (2001): 109–10. Miranda Burgess discusses the novel as an amalgamation of differing genres in British Fiction and the Production of Social Orde (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 142–49.

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  7. See Myers, “Unfinished Business,” 109–10.

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  8. Ralph Wardle, ed., Godwin & Mary: Letters of William Godwin and Mary Wollstonecraf (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1966), Letter 31, 27–28.

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  9. See Kilgour, The Rise of the Gothic Nove, 75. For assessments of Woll-stonecraft’s balance of politics and sentiment in The Wrongs of Woma, see Janet Todd, “Reason and Sensibility in Mary Wollstonecraft’s The Wrongs of Woma,” Frontier 5, no. 3 (Fall 1980): 17–20; Poovey, The Proper Lad, 105–6; Ty, Unsed Revolutionarie, 31–45; and Claudia Johnson, Equivocal Beings: Politics, Gender, and Sentimentality in the 1790s (Chicago University of Chicago Press, 1995), 47–69.

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  10. Maggie Kilgour discusses this passage as “an invocation and then exorcism of conventions” ( The Rise of the Gothic Nove, 81–82).

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  12. Rajan, “Wollstonecraft and Godwin,” 229–30. Nicola Watson also reads the novel as a response to Rousseau in Revolution and the Form of the British Novel, 1790–1825: Intercepted Letters, Interrupted Seduction (Oxford: Clarendon, 1994), 51–57.

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  13. Claudia Johnson discusses Jemima’s significance in the novel in “Mary Wollstonecraft’s Novels,” in Equivocal Being, 66–69, and in The Cambridge Companion to Mary Wollstonecraf, ed. Claudia Johnson (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002), 204–207. See also Janet Todd, The Sign of Angellica: Women, Writing and Fiction, 1660–180 (London: Virago, 1989), 247–52, and Roxanne Eberle, Chastity and Transgression in Womes Writing, 1792–1897: Interrupting the Harlos Progres (Basingstoke and New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002), 21–54. Vivien Jones analyzes Jemima and her narrative alongside the “fallen” heroines of Inchbald’s Nature and Ar and Hays’s The Victim of Prejudic in “Placing Jemima: Women Writers of the 1790s and the Eighteenth-Century Prostitution Narrative,” Womes Writin 4, no. 2 (1997): 201–20.

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  15. See Sharon Setzer, “Romancing the Reign of Terror: Sexual Politics in Mary Robinson’s Natural Daughte,” Criticis 39, no. 4 (Fall 1997): 535; and Julie Shaffer, “Ruined Women,” 309–10.

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  17. Nancy Johnson discusses Desmon as an ideal and altruistic hero in contrast to Verney in The English Jacobin Novel on Rights, Property, and the La, 71–83. Allison Conway considers his role as a sentimental hero in “Nationalism, Revolution and the Female Body: Charlotte Smith’s Desmon,” Womes Studie 24, no. 5 (1995): 395–409. See also Jones, Radical Sensibilit, 163–67, and Katharine Rogers, “Romantic Aspirations, Restricted Possibilities: The Novels of Charlotte Smith,” In ReVisioning Romanticism: British Women Writers, 1776–183, edited by Carol Shiner Wilson and Joel Haefner (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1994), 76–77.

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  18. For a discussion of this aspect of the novel’s ending see Bowstead, “Charlotte Smith’s Desmon,” 247–52; Elliott, “Charlotte Smith’s Feminism,” 110; Fry, Charlotte Smit, 78–80; and Loraine Fletcher, Charlotte Smith: A Critical Biograph (Basingstoke and New York: Macmillan, 1998), 150–51. Stuart Curran discusses contemporary reviewers’ reactions to this aspect of the novel in the introduction to his edition of Desmond, Works of Charlotte Smit, V:xv—xvi. For Josephine de Boisbelle as Geraldine’s double, see Ty, Unsed Revolutionarie, 140–42; Watson, Revolution and the Form of the British Nove, 38–39; Binhammer, “Revolutionary Domesticity,” 35–37; Mellor, Mothers of the Natio, 117–18; and Sharma, The Autobiography of Desir, 183–84.

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  19. Allison Conway analyzes the darker nuances of these parallels in her essay “Nationalism, Revolution and the Female Body,” as does Angela Keane in Women Writers and the English Nation in the 1790s: Romantic Belonging (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 86–90.

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  20. See Elliott, “Charlotte Smith’s Feminism,” 110–11; Susan Allen Ford, “Tales of the Times: Family and Nation in Charlotte Smith and Jane West,” in Family Matters in the British and American Nove, ed. Andrea O’Reilly Herrera, Elizabeth Mahn Nollen, and Sheila Reitzel Foor (Bowling Green, OH: Bowling Green State University Press, 1997), 24–25; and Mellor, Mothers of the Natio, 118–21.

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  21. Angela Keane provides an insightful interpretation of the role of many of the novel’s disenfranchised minor characters in Women Writers and the English Nation in the 1790, 96–102.

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  22. Julia M. Wright discusses Secres as a “mosaic of the gothic, the romantic, the libertinist, and the didactic (of various ideological stripes) under the general generic rubric of the epistolary” in “‘I Am Ill Fitted’: Conflicts of Genre in Eliza Fenwick’s Secres,” in Romanticism, History and th

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  23. Malinda Snow develops a related interpretation of Secres in light of England’s growing imperialistic agenda in India in “Habits of Empire and Domination in Eliza Fenwick’s Secres,” Eighteenth-Century Fictio 14, no. 2 (January 2002): 159–75.

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  24. Colin B. and Jo Atkinson enumerate the novel’s parallels to Evelin in “Maria Edgeworth, Belind, and Women’s Rights,” Eire—Irelan 19, no. 4 (Winter 1984): 97–98. For more on Burney’s influence on Belind see Marilyn Butler, Maria Edgeworth: A Literary Biograph (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1972), 308–11, and Jane Austen and the War of Idea, 140–44.

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  26. Edgeworth, Original Sketch of Belind, from Frances Edgeworth’s Memoir of Maria Edgewort, with a selection from her letters (1867), in Belind, ed. Siobhan Kilfeather, The Novels and Selected Works of Maria Edgewort, gen. ed. Marilyn Butler (London: Pickering and Chatto, 2003), II:439.

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  28. For interpretations of Lady Delacour’s role in the novel see Figes, Sex and Subterfug, 87–88; Beth Kowaleski—Wallace, “Home Economics: Domestic Ideology in Maria Edgeworth’s Belind,” The Eighteenth Century: Theory and Interpretatio 29. no. 3 (Fall 1988): 242–62; Barker-Benfield, The Culture of Sensibilit, 257–58, 386–92; Heather MacFadyen, “Lady Delacour’s Library: Maria Edgeworth’s Belind and Fashionable Reading,” Nineteenth-Century Literatur 48, no. 4 (March 1994): 423–39; Alan Richardson, Literature, Education, and Romanticis (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 190–94; Greenfield, “Abroad and at Home,” 216–24, and Mothering Daughter, 111–16; Nicholas Mason, “Class, Gender, and Domesticity in Maria Edgeworth’s Belind,” The Eighteenth-Century Nove 1(2001): 271–85; Jordana Rosenberg, “The Bosom of the Bourgeoisie: Edgeworth’s Belind,” ELH7 (2003): 575–96; Jennie Batchelor, Dress, Distress and Desire: Clothing and the Female Body in Eighteenth-Century Literatur (Basingstoke and New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005), 151–77; and Patricia Matthew, “Corporeal Lessons and Genre Shifts in Maria Edgeworth’s Belind,” Nineteenth-Century Gender Studie 4, no.1 (Spring 2007), http://www.ncgsjournal.com/issue42/matthew.htm.

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© 2009 A. A. Markley

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Markley, A.A. (2009). Incarcerated Women and the Uses of the Gothic. In: Conversion and Reform in the British Novel in the 1790s. Palgrave Macmillan, New York. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230617858_3

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