Abstract
When Turkish migrants came to Germany in the early 1960s as guest workers, it was not expected that they would stay. The notion of “return” was intrinsic to the guest worker system, premised as it was on the importation of cheap labor without social or political costs.1 Workers would assist in the rebuilding of postwar Germany and then return to Turkey when the job was done. Yet even after the first oil crisis, a rise in unemployment and the official end to the guest worker program in 1973, most Turkish guest workers did not leave but rather made Germany their home. They became permanent residents. Five decades on, there are almost two million Turkish migrants without German citizenship in Germany. 2 They comprise Germany’s biggest migrant group and a significant proportion of Germany’s three million Muslims. 3 Further, unlike many other migrants in Germany, Turkish migrants do not hold European Union citizenship and therefore cannot benefit from the advantages this brings. The original Turkish guest workers, their children, and their children’s children have largely remained foreigners. They are denied formal political rights such as the right to vote, 4 the right to stand for office, 5 and the constitutionally protected rights to assemble and associate, although the latter are provided through statute. 6
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Notes
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The seminal comparative work on guest worker systems by Miller for instance, devotes only one page to a discussion of federal German treatment of guest workers, and spends the remainder of his discussion of Germany to the Land-level, without explicitly differentiating between these levels: Mark J. Miller, Foreign Workers in Western Europe: An Emerging Political Force (New York: Praeger Publishers, 1981), 136.
See, for instance, Walter Dean Burnham, “The Changing Shape of the American Political Universe,” American Political Science Review 61 (1965): 7–28; Paul Lazarsfeld, Bernard Berelson, and Hazel Gaudet, Erie County Study: The People’s Choice. How the Voter Makes up his Mind in a Presidential Campaign (New York: Columbia University Press, 1968); Martin Needler, “Political Development and Socioeconomic Development: The Case of Latin America,” American Political Science Review 62 (1968): 889–97 and Hans-Martin Uehlinger, Politische Partizipation in der Bundesrepublik: Strukturen und Erklärungsmodelle (Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag, 1988).
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But see the important contribution of sociological neo-institutionalism: Peter A. Hall and Rosemary C. Taylor, Political Science and the Three New Institutionalisms (Max-Planck-Institut für Gesellschaftsforschung, Cologne, Germany, 1996), 14–17.
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Given the low levels of naturalization among migrants in Germany, the coding assumed that migrants did not hold German citizenship—that is, were noncitizen, non-state actors.
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There are certain very limited exceptions allowing for dual citizenship in Germany: Foreigner Act (1990), Article 2, §87 as amended by the Nationality Act. Since January 1, 2005, these changes are incorporated into the Nationality Act (2005).
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Boucher, A. (2008). The Political Participation of Berlin’s Turkish Migrants in the Dual Citizenship and Headscarf Debates: A Multilevel Comparison. In: Pojmann, W. (eds) Migration and Activism in Europe Since 1945. Europe in Transition: The NYU European Studies Series. Palgrave Macmillan, New York. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230615540_12
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