Abstract
After World War II European countries such as Germany and Sweden invited immigrants to their countries on a large scale, to make up for shortages in the labor market. As a result, the demography of those countries changed. F or example, today, about one-fifth of Sweden’s population of nine million is either an immigrant or has parents of foreign origin.
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Notes
SOU, Invandrarutredningen 3, Invandrarna och minoriteterna (Stockholm, 1974: 69).
Integration by definition does not mean recognition of minority rights. It can be said the more the minority is assimilated, the more integrated the society you have. F or example, according to Charles Westin, “The rhetoric’s of integration really amount to a less brutally presented assimilation policy in Sweden.” See Charles Westin, “The Effectiveness of Settlement and Integration Policies Towards Immigrants and Their Descendants In Sweden,” International Migration Papers 34 (International Labor Office Geneva: Migration Branch), 43.
Yasemin Nuhoğlu Soysal, Limits of Citizenship: Migrants and Postnational Membership in Europe (London: The University of Chicago Press, 1995), 85.
David S. Meyer, “Protest and Political Opportunities,” Annual Reviews (February 2004).
Carl-Ulrik Schierup, “Immigrants and Nordic Welfare States,” The Study of Power and Democracy in Sweden 21 (Stockholm: November 1988).
Stephen Castles and Davidson Alastair, Citizenship and Migration: Globalization and the Politics of Belonging (London:Macmillan, 2000), 151.
Philippe C. Schmitter, “Still the Century of Corporatism,” in Trends Towards Corporatist Intermediation, eds. Philippe C. Schmitter and Gerhard Lehmbruch (London: Sage Publications, 1979), 13.
Howard J. Wiarda, Corporatism and Comparative Politics: The Other Great “Ism” (Armonk, NY: M.E.Sharp, 1997).
According to Rothstein, the concept is a key to understand the emergence and development of corporatism and refers a period of crisis whose solution surpasses the capability of the existing political institutions in which they can create new institutions with lasting legacies. See Bo Rothstein, “Explaining Swedish Corporatism: The Formative Moment,” Scandinavian Political Studies 13 (1992), 17–18; See also, Jens Blom Hansen, “Still Corporatism in Scandinavia? A Survey of Recent Empirical Findings,” Scandinavian political Studies 23 (June 2000), 159; and Bo Rothstein, “Social Classes and Political Institutions: The Roots of Swedish Corporatism,” The Study of Power and Democracy in Sweden 24 (Maktutredningen, 1988).
The crisis led by the Free Church Movement in the political establishment and the process to establish political legal institutions for corporatism and conf lict resolution formed during that period. See Michele Micheletti, Civil Society and State Relations in Sweden (Aldershot: Avebury, 1995), 34, for the Free Church Movement as a formative moment of corporatism.
David Brown, “The Politics of Reconstructing National Identity: A Corporatist Approach,” Australian Journal of Political Science 32 (1997): 256.
Öberg provides cases from labor movement in the years 1920s and 1930s and civil servants’ demand to strike in 1960s. See Blom Hansen, “Still Corporatism in Scandinavia?,” 163; Micheletti provides cases from peasant movements, peace, environmental, and feminist movements in C ivil Society and State Relations in Sweden, 100–101, and 129.
Alexandra Ålund and Carl-Ulrik Schierup, Paradoxes of Multiculturalism: Essays on Swedish Society (Avebury: Aldershot, 1991), 114.
Han Entzinger, “Immigrants’ political and social participation in the integration process,” Political and Social Participation of Immigrants through Consultative Bodies (Council of Europe Publishing, April 1999).
Each migrant group is expected to be represented by its own national organization. Migrant associations with differing political orientations are compelled to organize under one umbrella federation. Recognition by the state as a legitimate ethnic category is a prerequisite for access to funding, and participatory mechanisms become an animating goal for migrant organizations. See Soysal, Limits of Citizenship, 84.
Bo Rothstein, Just Institutions Matter: The Moral and Political Logic of the Universal Welfare State (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 47.
Ålund and Schierup, Paradoxes of Multiculturalism, 130; see also endnote 13.
Swedish employers’ confederation’s (SAF ) decision in 1991 to withdraw all its members from corporatist structures could be evaluated in this respect. See also Bo Rothstein, “State and Capital in Sweden: The Importance of Corporatist Arrangements,” The Study of Power and Democracy in Sweden 18 (1988), 8.
See Zenia Hellgren and Barbara Hobson, “Intercultural Dialogues in the Good Society: The Case of Honor Killings in Sweden” (preliminary draft), http://www.gwu.edu/~psc/news/Hobson%20Honor %20Ki l l i ngs%20paper %20June% 2006 doc.
As quoted in Bo Rothstein, “State and Capital in Sweden: The Importance of Corporatist Arrangements,” The Study of Power and Democracy in Sweden 18 (1988), 8.
David Held, Models of Democracy (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1987), 231.
Stephen Castles and Davidson Alastair, Citizenship and Migration: Globalization and the Politics of Belonging (London:Macmillan, 2000), 149. 27. Micheletti, Civil Society and State Relations in Sweden, 100–101, 156; Ålund and Schierup, Paradoxes of Multiculturalism: Essays on Swedish Society, 17. 28. Ålund and Schierup, Paradoxes of Multiculturalism, 100.
SIOS is the cooperation group for ethnical associations in Sweden. At present, SIOS is constituted of sixteen national associations, representing approximately four hundred local associations and ninety thousand members throughout Sweden.
İsveç Türk İşçi Dernekleri Federasyonu: Turkiska Riksförbundet, Yeni Birlik (2002: 1).
Essentialism refers to a reduction of the diversity in a population to some single criterion held to constitute its defining “essence” and most crucial character. This is often coupled with the claim that the essence is unavoidable or given by nature. It is common to assume that these cultural categories address really existing and discretely identifiable collections of people. See Craig Calhoun, Nationalism (Open University Press, 1997), 18.
David Brown, “The Politics of Reconstructing National Identity: A Corporatist Approach,” Australian Journal of Political Science 32 (1997), 258.
Hellgren, Z. and Hobson, B., “Intercultural Dialogues in the Good Society: The Case of Honor Killings in Sweden” )very preliminary draft), http://english.fsw.vu.nl/images_upload/D9EA95AA-065A-392D-A504C264A572FD2F.doc.
T. David Goldberg, “Racial Europeanization,” Ethnic and Racial Studies 29, no.2 (2006): 361.
Aliye Bilfeltd Onat, “Zorla Evlendirme Şiddeti Doğuruyor,” Vizyon no.1 (2007): 35.
The State used to provide patronage to Free Churches until 2004. In addition to priests, the State now subsidises all the staff that works for the church. The State also funds adult education, sports, women’s, cultural, environmental, disabled, hobby, humanitarian, pensioner, civil defense, youth, ethnic, and union organizations.
Justice Depatment of Swedish Government—Riksdag, Ett Sammanhållet Bidragsystem för Etniska Organisationer (2003: 10).
National Council of Swedish Youth Organizations: http://www.lsu.se/In%20 English.aspx.
Pontus Odmalm, “Civil Society, Migrant Organizations and Political Parties: Theoretical Linkages and Applications to the Swedish Context,” Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 30, no. 3 (May 2004): 478.
Charles Taylor, “Invoking Civil Society,” Philosophical Arguments (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1995), 207.
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© 2008 Wendy Pojmann
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Karan, O. (2008). State Management of Immigrant Organizations in Sweden. In: Pojmann, W. (eds) Migration and Activism in Europe Since 1945. Europe in Transition: The NYU European Studies Series. Palgrave Macmillan, New York. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230615540_10
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