Abstract
Moral outrage, shame, guilt, and the need for social justice propelled thousands of individuals into political activism from the 1870s until the end of World War I.1 For them, reform, not self interest, was uppermost in their minds. In the United States, such men and women were recognized as belonging to a group called Progressives; in Britain, though they shared similar motives, the name had limited meaning outside Edwardian national politics and the London County Council.2 Yet some reformers in Britain did appropriate the name, and more important, thousands more deserved it.3
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Notes
Another catalyst, fear of social disorder, upheaval, contamination by the poor, or national deterioration, seemed strongest in Britain. Arthur S. Link and Richard L. McCormick, Progressivism (Arlington Heights, IL: Harlan Davidson, 1983), 21;
Eileen Janes Yeo, The Contest for Social Science: Relations and Representations of Gender and Class (London: River Oram, 1996), 210.
Peter Clarke, “The Progressive Movement in England,” Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 24 (1974): 159–81.
The term Progressive originated in Britain in 1889 when Liberal, Fabian, and socialist members of the London County Council (LCC) were referred to collectively but awkwardly as progressists, which eventually became Progressive. Reformers unconnected with the LCC such as Clementina Black also used the term to describe themselves. In the Edwardian era, the term became associated with national politics, describing the New Liberals who promoted an alliance with the Labour Party. Fabians also adopted the nomenclature. In the postwar era, brewers who espoused the improved public house became self-described Progressives. Americans appropriated the term, which became fashionable in the United States in the 1910 elections; Sydney Nevile, The First Half-Century: A Review of the Developments of the Licensed Trade and the Improvement of the Public House during the Past Fifty Years (London: n.p., 1949);
Sydney O. Nevile, “The Improved Public-House Movement,” House of Whitbread 3 (1926): 2;
Daniel T. Rodgers, “In Search of Progressivism,” Reviews in American History 10 (1982): 127, n. 1;
Liselotte Glage, Clementina Black: A Study in Social History and Literature (Heidelberg: C. Winter, 1981), 39;
Peter Clarke, Lancashire and the NewLiberalism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1971), 171, 397–98;
Peter Clarke, Liberals and Social Democrats (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1978), 122, 140.
Peter Keating, Into Unknown England, 1866–1913: Selections from Social Explorers (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1976), 19; Link and McCormick, Progressivism, 22.
David P. Thelen, “Social Tensions and the Origins of Progressivism,” Journal of American History 56 (1969): 341;
John Whiteclay Chambers II, The Tyrannyof Change: America in the Progressive Era, 1890–1920, 2nd ed. (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2000), 138, 140, 142; Link and McCormick, Progressivism, 21–25.
For a discussion of the cult of the expert in national politics, see G.R. Searle, The Quest for National Efficiency: A Study in British Politics and British Political Thought, 1899–1914 (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1971), 80–86.
For American progressivism, I have relied primarily on the following sources: William L. O’Neill, The Progressive Years: America Comes of Age (New York: Dodd, Mead, 1975);
Robert H. Wiebe, The Search for Order, 1877–1920 (New York: Hill & Wang, 1967);
Alan Dawley, Struggles for Social Justice: Social Responsibility and the Liberal State (Cambridge, MA: Belknap, 1991); Link and McCormick, Progressivism.
John D. Buenker, “The Progressive Era: A Search for Synthesis,” Mid-America: An Historical Review 51 (1969): 192;
Peter G. Filene, “An Obituary for ‘The Progressive Movement,’”American Quarterly 22 (1970): 33;
Craig Heron, Booze: A Distilled History (Toronto: Between the Lines, 2003), 164; Link and McCormick, Progressivism, 9–10, 22, 24–25; John Griffiths, “Civic Communication in Britain: A Study of the Municipal Journal, c. 1893–1910,” Journal of Urban History OnlineFirst, Apr. 8, 2008; Chambers, Tyranny of Change, 138, 140;
Jeffrey Weeks, Sex, Politics and Society: The Regulation of Sexuality Since 1800 (London: Longman, 1981), 87.
This was also true to some extent of high politics. The Rainbow Circle, key theorists, journalists, and politicians recognized by historians as intellectual heirs of the New Liberalism, were believers preeminently in “pragmatic collectivism.” Similar to H. W. Massingham (editor of the Daily Chronicle and later the Nation), Charles Masterman stressed his apolitical outlook (Clarke, Liberals and Social Democrats, 58; Alfred F. Havighurst, Radical Journalist: H.W. Massingham (1860–1924) [London: Cambridge University Press, 1974 ], 96, 175, 324–25;
Lucy Masterman, C.F.G. Masterman: A Biography [London: Frank Cass, 1968], 51;
Vaughan Nash, “Massingham at the Chronicle and Other Reminiscences,” in H.W.M.: A Selection from the Writings of H.W. Massingham, ed. H. J. Massing-ham [New York: Harcourt, Brace, 1925 ], 291;
G. L. Prestige, The Life of Charles Gore: A Great Englishman [London: William Heinemann, 1935], 94, 274; Times [London] Tuckwell’s obituary, August 6, 1951).
For an excellent discussion of this point, see Anthony Sutcliffe, Towards thePlanned City: Germany, Britain, the United States and France, 1780–1914 (New York: St. Martin’s, 1981), 173–88. He noted the role of the theory of innovation diffusion and foreign examples as factors in cross-fertilization.
Morton Keller, Regulating a New Economy: Public Policy and Economic Change in America, 1900–33 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1990), 20–22.
See the following: Keller, New Economy, 20–22; P. L. Payne, “The Emergence of the Large-Scale Company in Great Britain, 1870–1914,” Economic History Review 20 (1967): 519–20.
David W. Gutzke, Pubs and Progressives: Reinventing the Public House in England, 1896–1960 (De Kalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 2006), 26–27.
For its reception in British politics, see Avner Offer, Property and Politics, 1870– 1914: Landownership, Law, Ideology and Urban Development in England (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981), ch. 12;
Helen Merrell Lynd, England in the Eighteen-Eighties: Toward a Social Basis for Freedom (London: Frank Cass, 1968), 141–43.
Elwood P. Lawrence, Henry George in the British Isles (East Lansing: Michigan State University, 1957), 4–6, 25, 40–41, 47, 76;
Paul T. Phillips, A Kingdom on Earth: Anglo-American Social Christianity, 1880–1940 (University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1996), 204.
Among them were Cleveland Mayor Tom L. Johnson and Toledo Mayor Samuel “Golden Rule” Jones in the United States and journalist H. W. Massingham, Christian Socialist Stewart Headlam, and garden city originator Ebenezer Howard in Britain (Peter Weiler, The New Liberalism: Liberal Social Theory in Great Britain, 1889–1914 (New York: Garland, 1982), 19, 40;
Anthony S. Wohl, The Eternal Slum: Housing and Social Policy in Victorian London (London: Edward Arnold, 1977), 214;
Hoyt Landon Warner, Progressivism in Ohio, 1897–1917 (Columbus, OH: Ohio State University Press for the Ohio Historical Society, 1964);
Tom L. Johnson, My Story, ed. Elizabeth J. Hauser (New York: B. W. Huebsch, 1911), 313; Havighurst, Radical Journalist, 15.
Joel H. Wiener, “How New was the New Journalism?” in Papers for the Millions: The New Journalism in Britain, 1850s to 1914, ed. Joel H. Wiener (Westport, CT: Joel H. 1988), 50, 55;
Joseph O. Baylen, “W.T. Stead and the ‘New Journalism’,” Emory University Quarterly 21 (1965): 204–5;
Joseph O. Baylen, “The ‘New Journalism’ in Late Victorian Britain,” Australian Journal ofPolitics and History 18 (1972): 369–70, 375.
Neither the term nor role appears in Alan J. Lee’s discussion of the new journalism (Alan J. Lee, The Origins of the Popular Press in England, 1855–1914 (London: Croom Helm, 1976), 117–30.
I am completing an essay comparing muckrakers in Britain with their U.S. counterparts. Extracts from the writings of some British muckrakers—George R. Sims, Robert H. Sherard, Annie Besant, Edith Hogg, Mary Higgs, Andrew Mearns and Olive Christian Malvery—are reproduced in two studies: Keating, Unknown England, 65–111, 174–88, 273–84; Ellen Ross, Slum Travelers: Ladies and London Poverty, 1860–1920 (Los Angeles: University of California Press, 2007), 45–51, 97–116, 136–47. Neither Keating nor Ross recognizes these authors as muckrakers.
Keating, “Introduction,” 20; Wohl, Eternal Slum, 245; also see, for example, P. J. Smith, “Planning as Environmental Improvement: Slum Clearance in Victorian Edinburgh,” in The Rise of Modern Urban Planning, 1800–1914, ed. Anthony Sutcliffe (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1980), 113;
Bentley B. Gilbert, introduction to The Heart of the Empire: Discussions of Problems of Modern City Life, ed. C. F. G. Masterman (reprint of 1901 edition; New York: Barnes & Noble, 1973), xiii;
Roger Davidson, “The State and Social Investigation in Britain, 1880–1914,” in The State and Social Investigation in Britain and the United States, ed. Michael J. Lacey and Mary O. Furner (Cambridge: Lacey and Mary O. 1993), 254, 256;
C. F. G. Masterman, From the Abyss: Of Its Inhabitants by One of Them (reprint of 1902 edition; London: Garland, 1980), 41.
David M. Thompson, “The Emergence of the Nonconformist Social Gospel in England,” in Protestant Evangelicalism: Britain, Ireland, Germany and America, c. 1750–c. 1950: Essays in Honour of W.R. Ward, ed. Keith Robbins (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1990), 258–60, 262–63, 273–74, 276, 278;
William R. Hutchinson, “The Americanness of the Social Gospel; An Inquiry in Comparative History,” Church History 44 (1975): 371; Phillips, Kingdom on Earth, 48, 64–66, 223, 288, 291;
Anthony S. Wohl, “The Bitter Cry of Outcast London,” International Review of Social History 13 (1968): 220–21.
D. W. Bebbington, “The City, the Countryside and the Social Gospel in Late Victorian Nonconformity,” Studies in Church History 16 (1979): 416–21, 423–25;
D. W. Bebbington, The Nonconformist Conscience: Chapel and Politics, 1870–1914 (London: George Allen & Unwin, 1982), 43–44, 57; Thompson, “Social Gospel,” 270;
F. H. A. Aalen, “Lord Meath, City Improvement and Social Imperialism,” Planning Perspectives 4 (1989): 140–41; Phillips, Kingdomon Earth, 77–79.
Peter d’A. Jones, The Christian Socialist Revival, 1877–1914: Religion, Class, and Social Conscience in Late-Victorian England (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1968), 421–26.
Some historians regard George himself as a Christian Socialist (Peter d’A. Jones, Henry George and British Socialism (New York: Garland Publications, 1991).
Jones, Christian Socialist Revival, 4, 9, 17, 48–57, 281, 327, 330, 334–40, 363, 366–67, 418–20, 437–38, 446–48, 450, 455, 458; Thompson, “Social Gospel,” 257; Jean Gaffin and David Thoms, Caring and Sharing: The Centenary History of the Co-operative Women’s Guild (Manchester: Co-operative Union, 1983), 26–27, 42, 54, 59–60; Sutcliffe, Towards the Planned City, 69;
Marnie Jones, HolyToledo: Religion and Politics in the Life of “Golden Rule” Jones (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 1998), 73, 78, 81, 87–88.
Sophie Sanger, who helped organize the 1906 Anti-Sweating Exhibition, also embraced Christian Socialism (Norbert C. Soldon, Women in British Trade Unions, 1874–1976 [Dublin: Gill and Macmillan, 1978], 64;
Peter J. Frederick, “Vida Dutton Scudder: The Professor as Social Activist,” New England Quarterly 43 [1970]: 411–12).
A misleading, outdated account is provided by Francis H. Herrick, “British Liberalism and the Idea of Social Justice,” American Journal of Economics and Sociology 4 (1944): 67–79.
Michael Freeden, The New Liberalism: An Ideology of Social Reform (Oxford: Clarendon, 1978), 252, 256–57; Stokes, “American Progressives,” 12;
Walter L. Creese, The Search for Environment: The Garden City: Before and After (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1966), 166;
A. G. Gardiner, “Introduction,” in Sweated Industry and the Minimum Wage, Clementina Black (London: Duckworth, 1907), xxiv;
L. T. Hobhouse, The Elements of Social Justice (London: G. Allen & Unwin, 1922), 48
Peter Weiler, “The New Liberalism of L.T. Hobhouse,” Victorian Studies 16 (1972): 151; Gilbert, “Introduction,” xiii;
F. G. Bettany, Stewart Headlam: A Biography (London: John Murray, 1926), 166;
Anne Taylor, Annie Besant: A Biography (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992), 203.
Edward Cadbury, M. Cecile Matheson, and George Shann, Women’s Work and Wages: A Phase of Life in an Industrial City (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1907), 305–6.
Mrs. [Barbara] J. L. Hammond, “Jewel Case Making in London,” Women’s Industrial News, June, 1904.
Malcolm I. Thomis, The Town Labourer and the Industrial Revolution (London: B. T. Batsford, 1974), 5, 8, 12, 14–15;
R. H. Tawney, “J.L. Hammond, 1872– 1949,” Proceedings of the British Academy 16 (1960): 286; Clarke, “Progressive Movement,” 170; Clarke, Social Democrats, 156;
Teresa Javurek, “A New Liberal Descent: The ‘Labourer’ Trilogy by Lawrence and Barbara Hammond,” Twentieth Century British History 10 (1999): 378, 386, 388, 390, 401–2.
Richard Hofstadter, The Progressive Historians: Turner, Beard, Parrington (New York: Knopf, 1968), 41, 174–79, 185–86, 345, 349, 437–38, 442.
Arnold Toynbee, “Mr George in England,” quoted in Beatrice Webb, My Apprenticeship (London: Longmans, Green, 1926), 179–83; Jones, Christian SocialistRevival, 194;
Barnett quoted in J. A. R. Pimlott, Toynbee Hall: Fifty Years of Social Progress, 1884–1934 (London: J. M. Dent and Sons, 1935), 1;
Asa Briggs and Anne Macartney, Toynbee Hall: The First Hundred Years (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1984), 61;
David Rubinstein, “Annie Besant and Stuart Headlam: The London School Board Elections of 1888,” East London Papers 13 (1970): 15.
Charles Gore, Christianity and Socialism (Oxford: Christian Social Union, 1908), 7–8;
Deborah McDonald, Clara Collet, 1860–1948: An Educated Working Woman (London: Woburn Press, 2004), 45–47.
Olive Malvery, Andrew Mearns, James Samuelson, Thomas C. Horsfall, William Beveridge, Charles Masterman in Britain and Albion Small and Edward A. Ross in the United States all cited guilt as a motivator of reform (Olive Christian Malvery, The Soul Market, with which is included “The Heart of Things” (London: Hutchinson, 1907), 68; Wohl, Eternal Slum, 214, “Bitter Cry,” 226;
James Samuelson, The Lament of the Sweated (London: P. S. King, 1908), 31–32;
T. C. Horsfall to Frances Reeves, October 21, 1877, quoted in Michael Harrison, “Art and Philanthropy: T.C. Horsfall and the Manchester Art Museum,” in City, Class and Culture: Studies of Social Policy and Cultural Production in Victorian Manchester, ed. Alan J. Kidd and K. W. Roberts (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1985), 120–21; Gilbert, “Introduction,” xxix; Schäfer, American Progressives, 20–21;
Werner Picht, Toynbee Hall and the English Settlement Movement, trans. Lilian A. Cowell (London: G. Bell and Sons, 1914), 10).
I disagree with Geoffrey Searle’s view that British eugenists regarded “swamping” of the native stock by outsiders as relatively unimportant. From the 1880s on, many social investigators portrayed their explorations of slums as akin to expeditions into Africa or elsewhere, conjuring up images of visiting alien lands with alien inferior peoples. William Booth entitled his expose In Deepest England andthe Way Out (London: International Headquarters of the Salvation Army, 1890), and innumerable authors—Arthur Mearns, Christopher Carruthers, J. Edmond Long, G. W. M’Cree, the Countess of Tankerville, and Forester Crozier—used the word “outcast” as part of a title. Searle himself provides indirect evidence of this perspective in commenting that “working people are frequently discussed as though they were denizens of some other planet.” For eugenists, class prejudice effectively functioned as racism, as they equated the working class with the “other”: biologically inferior aliens who constituted an “outcast” group. One ardent eugenist, Arnold White, clearly feared and had contempt for the masses;
G. R. Searle, Eugenics and Politics in Britain, 1900–14 (Leyden: Noordhoff International Publishing, 1976, 39, 60;
H. J. Dyos, “The Slums of Victorian London,” Victorian Studies 11 (1967): 20;
G. R. Searle, “Introduction,” in Effeciency and Empire, Arnold White (reprint of 1901 edition; Brighton: Harvester, 1973), xiv.
For a discussion of the concept of the “other” in the context of British identity, see Linda Colley, Britons: Forging the Nation, 1707–1837 (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1992), 5–9.
Searle, Eugenics, 24; Lyndsay Andrew Farrall, The Origins and Growth of theEugenics Movement, 1865–1925 (New York: Garland, 1985), 237, 251–61.
Searle, Eugenics, 24, 26–27, 45–46, 48. The origins of urban hereditary degeneration are discussed in Gareth Stedman Jones, Outcast London: A Study in the Relationship between Classes in Victorian Society (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1971), ch. 16.
Searle, “Eugenics,” 13, 50, 59–60, 67, 112–13; also see Nancy Stephan, The Idea of Race in Science: Great Britain, 1800–1960 (London: Macmillan, 1982), 111–39; Joanne Dawn Woiak, “Drunkenness, Degeneration, and Eugenics in Britain, 1900–14” (unpublished doctoral thesis, University of Toronto, 1998).
D. Barker, “How to Curb the Fertility of the Unfit: The Feeble-Minded in Edwardian Britain,” Oxford Review of Education 9 (1983): 198;
D. J. Kevles, In the Name of Eugenics: Genetics and the Uses of Human Heredity (New York: Knopf, 1985), 101–7;
Edward J. Larson, “The Rhetoric of Eugenics: Expert Authority and the Mental Deficiency Bill,” British Journal for the History of Science 24 (1991): 45–46, 59.
Great Britain, Parliamentary Papers, Report of the Inter-Departmental Committee on Physical Deterioration, 32 (1904), 31–32, Cmd., 2175.
Richard Heathcote Heindel, The American Impact on Great Britain, 1898–1914: A Study of the United States in World History (reprint of 1940 edition; New York: Octagon Books, 1968), 291; John Spargo, The Bitter Cry of the Children (reprint of 1906 edition; New York, 1970), xiv, 8–13, 108–33, 230, 235, 241, 291–94; George R. Sims, “The Cry of the Children,” Tribune, February 4, 7, 11, 14, 18, and 21, 1907;
G. Von Bunge, Alcoholic Poisoning and Degeneration (London: Owen, 1905);
David W. Gutzke, “‘The Cry of the Children’: The Edwardian Medical Campaign Against Maternal Drinking,” British Journal of Addiction 79 (1984): 74–76;
Greta Jones, Social Hygiene in Twentieth Century Britain (London: Croom Helm, 1986), 51; Farrall, Eugenics Movement, 220.
George K. Behlmer, Friends of the Family: The English Home and Its Guardians, 1850–1940 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1998), 242–45.
Sutcliffe, Planned City, 56; T. C. Horsfall, The Housing Question.: An Address at the Jubilee Conference of the Manchester and Salford Sanitary Association on 24 April 1902 (Manchester: Sherratt, 1902), 3;
Stanley Buder, Visionariesand Planners: The Garden City Movement and the Modern Community (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1990), ch. 6.
Michael G. Day, “The Contribution of Sir Raymond Unwin (1863–1940) and R. Barry Parker (1867–1947) to the Development of Site Planning Theory and Practice, c. 1890–1918,” in British Town Planning: The Formative Years, ed. Anthony Sutcliffe (Leicester: Leicestershire University Press, 1981), 165.
Robert Gunn Davis, “Slum Environment and Social Causation,” Westminster Review 166 (1906): 249–57.
Horsfall’s evidence before the Interdepartmental Committee on Physical Deterioration, quoted in Michael Harrison, “Housing and Town Planning in Manchester before 1914,” in British Town Planning: The Formative Years, ed. Anthony Sutcliffe (Leicester: Leicestershire University Press, 1981), 121; Harrison, “Manchester Art Museum,” 121;
Dorothy Porter, “‘Enemies of the Race’: Biologism, Environmentalism, and Public Health in Edwardian England,” Victorian Studies 34 (1991): 165–66, 168–69, 171–73.
Michael McGerr, A Fierce Discontent: The Rise and Fall of the Progressive Movement in America, 1870–1920 (New York: Free Press, 2003), 80–81; Griffiths, “Civic Communication in Britain”; Sutcliffe, Towards the Planned City, 123; Link and McCormick, Progressivism, 21–22. The term itself was coined by Thomas Carlyle in the 1830s.
For an excellent overview of this topic, see Stanley Buder, Visionaries and Planners: The Garden City Movement and the Modern Community (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1990), ch. 6.
Steven J. Diner, A Very Different Age: Americans of the Progressive Era (New York: Hill and Wang, 1998), 201; Sutcliffe, Towards the Planned City, 56; Horsfall, Housing Question, 3; also see Buder, Visionaries and Planners, ch. 6.
Hampstead Garden Suburb Trust statement, July 1905, quoted in J. S. Nettle-fold, Practical Town Planning (London: St. Catherine Press, 1914), 94;
Ebenezer Howard, Tomorrow; a Peaceful Path to Real Reform (London: S. Sonnenschein, 1898), 102;
C. B. Purdom, The Garden City: A Study in the Development of a Modern Town (London: J. M. Dent & Sons, 1913), 262.
Mark Swenarton, Homes Fit for Heroes: The Politics and Architecture of Early State Housing in Britain (London: Heinemann Educational Books, 1981), 6;
Dennis Hardy, From Garden Cities to New Towns: Campaigning for Town and Country Planning, 1899–1946 (London: Chapman & Hall, 1991), 80–81; Rodgers, Atlantic Crossings, ch. 5.
Such working-class housing was also available but on a quite restricted basis through philanthropic societies. John Nelson Tarn, Five Per Cent Philanthropy: An Account of Housing in Urban Areas between 1840 and 1914 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1973).
Swenarton, Homes Fit for Heroes, 14–15; Asa Briggs, Social Thought and Social Action: A Study of the Work of Seebohm Rowntree, 1871–1954 (London: Longmans, 1961), 97;
S. Martin Gaskell, “Housing and the Lower Middle Class, 1870–1914,” The Lower Middle Class in Britain, 1870–1914, ed. Geoffrey Crossick (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1977), 176–77;
S. Martin Gaskell, “Gardens for the Working Class: Victorian Practical Pleasure,” Victorian Studies 23 (1980): 500–501;
Stephen Constantine, “Amateur Gardening and Popular Recreation in the 19th and 20th Centuries,” Journal of Social History 14 (1981): 393;
Antony Taylor, “The Garden Cities Movement in a Local Context: The Development and Decline of the Penkhull Garden Village Estate,” Local Historian 27 (Feb. 1997): 39.
Taylor, “Penkhull Garden Village Estate,” 42–43; Gaskell, “Housing and the Lower Middle Class,” 178; Swenarton, Homes Fit for Heroes, 24, 190; Harrison, “Housing and Town Planning,” 143. Meacham, citing a 1909 survey, contends that Bournville consisted primarily of factory workers and artisans (Standish Meacham, Regaining Paradise: Englishness and the Early Garden City Movement [New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1999 ], 28.
Swenarton, Homes for Heroes, 24, 27–47, 67, 77, 79, 86–87, 113, 136, 189–91, 195–96. Economic explanations for the government’s campaign are discussed in M. J. Daunton, Councillors and Tenants: Local Authority Housing in English Cities, 1919–39 (Leicester: Leicester University Press, 1984), 10–11.
Oiva Saarinen, “The Influence of Thomas Adams and the British New Towns Movement in the Planning of Canadian Resource Communities,” in The Usable Urban Past: Planning and Politics in the Modern Canadian City, ed. Alan F. J. Artibise and Gilbert A. Stelter (Carleton: Macmillan, 1979), 268–70.
Thomas Horsfall, The Improvement of the Dwellings and Surroundings of the People: The Example of Germany (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1904); Harrison, “Housing and Town Planning,” 108, 114–21, 141; Sutcliffe, Towardsthe Planned City, 176.
Gordon E. Cherry, “Factors in the Origins of Town Planning in Britain: The Example of Birmingham, 1905–18,” CURS Working Paper 36 (Birmingham: Centre for Urban and Regional Studies, 1975), 9–11, 14, 16, 21, 24–25; Sutcliffe, Towards the Planned City, 69–75, 82; Hardy, Garden Cities, 82–83, 87–93, 112.
Thomas I. Gunton, “The Ideas and Policies of the Canadian Planning Profession, 1909–31,” in The Usable Urban Past: Planning and Politics in the Modern Canadian City, ed. Alan F. J. Artibise and Gilbert A. Stelter (Carleton: Macmillan, 1979), 177–88;
P. J. Smith, “The Principle of Utility and the Origins of Planning Legislation in Alberta, 1912–75,” in The Usable Urban Past: Planning and Politics in the Modern Canadian City, ed. Alan F. J. Artibise and Gilbert A. Stelter (Carleton: Macmillan, 1979), 206; Saarinen, “Thomas Adams,” 269–75.
Michael Simpson, Thomas Adams and the Modern Planning Movement: Britain, Canada and the United States, 1900–40 (New York: Mansell, 1985), 119–62.
Robert Freestone, “Exporting the Garden City: Metropolitan Images in Australia, 1900–30,” Planning Perspectives 1 (1986): 65–69.
John Collins, “Lusaka: The Myth of the Garden City,” Zambian Urban Studies 2 (1969): 1–32;
John Collins, “Lusaka: Urban Planning in a British Colony, 1931–64,” Shaping an Urban World, ed. Gordon E. Cherry (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1980), 228–30.
James B. Brown, “The Temperance Career of Joseph Chamberlain, 1870–77: A Study in Political Frustration,” Albion 4 (1972): 32–33;
E. P. Hennock, Fit and Proper Persons: Ideal and Reality in Nineteenth-Century Urban Government (Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1973), 172–75;
J. R. Kellett, “Municipal Socialism, Enterprise and Trading in the Victorian City,” Urban History Yearbook (1978): 37, 42–43;
Derek Fraser, “Joseph Chamberlain and the Municipal Ideal,” History Today 37 (1987): 35–37.
Hamish Fraser, “Municipal Socialism and Social Policy,” The Victorian City: A Reader in British Urban History, 1820–1914, ed. R. J. Morris and Richard Rodger (London: Longman, 1993), 260–62;
Aspinwall, Portable Utopia, 155, 157–58, 164, 177; Aspinwall, “Glasgow Trams,” 77; Frederic C. Howe, The British City: The Beginnings of Democracy (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1907), 177;
Samuel M. Jones, The New Right: A Plea for Fair Play Through a More Just Social Order (New York: Eastern Book Concern, 1899), 301.
Howe, British City, 175; Arthur E. DeMatteo, “The Downfall of a Progressive: Mayor Tom L. Johnson and the Cleveland Streetcar Strike of 1908,” Ohio History 104 (1995): 24–41; Warner, Progressivism in Ohio, 72–73; Jones, NewRight, 305–6.
Havighurst, Massingham, 26–27; Griffiths, “Civic Communication.” Previously, Annie Besant and Stewart Headlam as London School Board members had supported fair labor contracts, feeding of school children, and fee waivers for children of impoverished families. Patricia Hollis, Ladies Elect: Women in English Local Government, 1865–1914 (Oxford: Clarendon, 1987), 113–15, 117–18; Fraser, “Municipal Socialism,” 268; Aspinwall, Portable Utopia, 151–52, 157, 168–70, 175–76, 178; Bettany, Headlam, 146–47. The London (1893–1898) was rechristened the Municipal Journal in 1900.
Susan Pennybacker, “‘The Millennium by Return of Post’: Reconsidering London Progressivism, 1889–1907,” in Metropolis London: Histories and Representations Since 1800, ed. David Feldman and Gareth Stedman Jones (London: Routledge, 1989), 131–33, 155;
A. G. Gardiner, John Benn and the Progressive Movement (London: Ernest Benn, 1925), 112, 125, 160, 214, 226, 265–86, 348;
John Davis, London: The London Problem, 1855–1900 (Oxford: Clarendon, 1988), 122;
John Davis, “The Progressive Council, 1889–1907,” in Politicsand the People of London, ed. Andrew Saint (London: Hambledon, 1989), 32; also see Offer, Property and Politics, ch. 18.
Davis, “Progressive Council,” 45; Susan Pennybacker, A Vision for London, 1889–1914: Labour, Everyday Life and the LCC Experiment (London: Routledge, 1995), 12;
V. Steffel, “The Boundary Street Estate: An Example of Urban Redevelopment by the London County Council, 1889–1914,” Town Planning Review 47 (1976): 161–73;
Robert Thorne, “The White Hart Lane Estate: An LCC Venture in Suburban Development,” London Journal 12 (1986): 80–88;
Susan Beattie, A Revolution in London Housing: LCC Housing Architects and Their Work, 1893–1914 (London: Architectural Press, 1980), ch. 4;
Alastair Service, “The Architect’s Department of the London County Council, 1888–1914,” Edwardian Architecture and Its Origins, ed. Alastair Service (London: Architectural Press, 1975), 406–11.
Martin Gaskell, “Sheffield City Council and the Development of Suburban Areas Prior to World War I,” Essays in the Economic and Social History of South Yorkshire, ed. Sidney Pollard and Colin Holmes (Sheffield: South Yorkshire County Council, 1976), 195. By late 1915, municipal authorities throughout the country had erected some 31,000 new working-class houses in the previous twenty-five years, less than 10 percent of all new housing for laborers.
John Burnett, A Social History of Housing, 1815–1985, 2nd ed. (London: Methuen, 1986), 184–87.
Chris Waters, “Progressives, Puritans and the Cultural Politics of the Council, 1889–1914,” Politics and the People of London, ed. Andrew Saint (London: Hambledon, 1989), 50–52, 55, 57–59, 61–62, 66, 69;
Susan Pennybacker, “‘It was not what She said but the way in which She said it’: The London County Council and the Music Halls,” Music Hall: The Business of Pleasure, ed. Peter Bailey (Milton Keynes: Open University, 1986), 121, 125, 132, 135; O’Neill, Progressive Years, 96.
Penelope Summerfield, “The Effingham Arms and the Empire: Deliberate Selection in the Evolution of Music Hall in London,” Popular Culture and Class Conflict, 1590–1914: Explorations in the History of Labour and Leisure, ed. Eileen and Stephen Yeo (Brighton: Harvester, 1981), 212, 216; Waters, “Progressives,” 57, 66, 69;
Lucy Bland, “‘Purifying’ the Public World: Feminist Vigilantes in Late Victorian England,” Women’s History Review 1 (1992): 405–6.
For a useful overview, see Lucy Bland, Banishing the Beast: English Feminism and Sexual Morality, 1885–1914 (London: Penguin, 1995), ch. 3.
Weeks, Sex, Politics and Society, 86–87, 92; Frank Mort, “Purity, Feminism and the State: Sexuality and Moral Politics, 1880–1914,” Crises in the British State, 1880–1930, ed. Mary Langan and Bill Schwarz (London: Hutchinson, 1985), 209–13, 218;
Frank Mort, Dangerous Sexualities: Medico-Moral Politics in England Since 1830 (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1987), 103–4, 119–26, 137;
Victor Bailey and Sheila Blackburn, “The Punishment of Incest Act 1908: A Case Study of Law Creation,” Criminal Law Review (1979): 709–12, 717–18; Bebbington, Nonconformist Conscience, 38–39, 41–44, 46–53, 59.
The background and impact of his campaign is explored in Raymond L. Schults, Crusader in Babylon: W. T. Stead and the Pall Mall Gazette (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1972), chs. 5–6.
Edward J. Bristow, Vice and Vigilance: Purity Movements in Britain Since 1700 (Dublin: Gill & Macmillan, 1977), 154, 161–66; Mort, Dangerous Sexualities, 114; Weeks, Sex, 91; Bebbington, Nonconformist Conscience, 44;
Ian Tyrrell, Woman’s World, Woman’s Empire: The Woman’s Christian Temperance Union in International Perspective, 1880–1930 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1991), 194–95, 197; Bland, “Feminist Vigilantes,” 402–3.
Joseph O. Baylen, “A Victorian’s ‘Crusade’ in Chicago, 1893–94,” Journal of American History 51 (1964): 422–24, 431–33;
W.T. Stead, If Christ Came to Chicago! A Plea for the Union of All Who Live in the Service of All Who Suffer (Chicago: Laird & Lee, 1894). Stead’s book also was also published in London in 1894.
Bristow, Vice and Vigilance, 161–62; Morton Keller, Regulating a New Society: Public Policy and Social Change in America, 1900–33 (London: Harvard University Press, 1994), 117–23.
Paula Bartley, Prostitution: Prevention and Reform in England, 1860–1914 (London: Routledge, 2000), 170–71; Keller, Regulating a New Society, 119–20.
W. N. Willis, The White Slaves of London (London: Stanley Paul, 1912), 169, 174–75; W. N. Willis, “Investigations at Whitechapel,” in Mrs. Archibald Mackirdy [Olive Christian Malvery] and W. N. Willis, The White Slave Market, 265–90, 8th ed. (1906 reprint, London: Stanley Paul, [1912]).
Searle, Eugenics, 40–41; Bernard Gainer, The Alien Invasion: The Origins of the Aliens Act of 1905 (New York: Crane, Russak, 1972), 79, 99–100, 114; Bartley, Prostitution, 171; Heron, Booze, 412, n. 29; Sharon Anne Cook, “‘Do Not… do Anything that you cannot unblushingly Tell your Mother’”: Gender and Social Purity in Canada,” Histoire Sociale/Social History 30 (1997): 215–38.
Gainer, Alien Invasion, 110, 113–14. It may be true that British labor leaders did not display any “parallel to American nativist arguments about the deleterious effects of recent immigrants on civic standards,” as one historian contended, but British Progressives certainly placed the issue in this context. A. T. Lane, “The British and American Labour Movements and the Problem of Immigration, 1890–1914,” Hosts, Immigrants and Minorities: Historical Responses to Newcomers in British Society, 1870–1914, ed. Kenneth Lunn (Folkestone: William Dawson & Sons, 1980), 353.
David Feldman, “The Importance of Being English: Jewish Immigration and the Decay of Liberal England,” in Metropolis London: Histories and Representations Since 1800, ed. David Feldman and Gareth Stedman Jones (London: Routledge, 1989), 56–58.
Gainer, Alien Invasion, 102, 108–9, 120–21; John A. Garrard, The English and Immigration, 1880–1910 (London: Oxford University Press, 1971), 162–63;
Colin Holmes, John Bull’s Island: Immigration and British Society, 1871–1971 (London: Macmillan, 1988), 67–72; Malvery, Soul Market, 211–12.
Gainer, Alien Invasion, 2, 108–9; James A. Schmiechen, Sweated Industries andSweated Labor: The London Clothing Trades, 1860–1914 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1984), 174. Some historians believe that far more immigrants entered Britain than the 1 percent recorded in the 1901 census. In some cases, transmigrants, destined for the United States, held a job for months in Britain before continuing their journey. The years immediately preceding the 1905 legislation also coincided with heavy immigration. Immigrants too attracted more attention because they resided in specific areas, notably London’s Stepney borough, where immigrant Jews in Whitechapel accounted for over one-third of the residents. Whatever the actual figure or density in some localities, the point remains that Britain received no level of immigration overall comparable to the United States, yet it still imposed restrictions (Garrard, England and Immigration, 213–16; Emily K. Abel, “Middle-Class Culture for the Urban Poor: The Educational Thought of Samuel Barnett,” Social Service Review 52 (1978): 618, n.14).
Joseph Rowntree and Arthur Sherwell, British ‘Gothenburg’ Experiments and Public-House Trusts (London: Hodder & Stoughton, 1901), 142–43; Lord Rosebery to Sir William Haldane, January 28, 1897, MS. 10131, f. 164, Rosebery Papers, National Library of Scotland; Hansard Parliamentary Debates, 4th series, vol. 89 (February 19, 1901), col. 558.
David W. Gutzke, “Gentrifying the British Public House, 1896–1914,” International Labor and Working-Class History 45 (1994): 29–31.
Gutzke, Pubs and Progressives, 26–27; David W. Gutzke, “The Social Status of Landed Brewers in Britain since 1840,” Histoire sociale/Social History 17 (1984): 106–07;
F.M.L. Thompson, English Landed Society in the Nineteenth Century (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1963), 19–20, 292–97.
Gutzke, 28–29; Tyrrell, Woman’s World, 258–70; Joseph Rowntree and Arthur Sherwell, The Temperance Problem and Social Reform (London: Hodder & Stoughton, 1899).
David M. Fahey, “Sir Thomas Palmer Whittaker (1850–1919),” in Biographical Dictionary of Modern British Radicals, 1870–1914, ed. Joseph O. Baylen and Norbert J. Gossman (Hassocks: Baylen and Norbert J. 1988), 3: 866–68;
David W. Gutzke, “Gothenburg Systems/Disinterested Management,” in Alcohol and Temperance in Modern History: An International Encyclopedia, ed. Jack S. Blocker Jr., David M. Fahey, and Ian R. Tyrrell (Santa Barbara: ABC-Clio, 2003), 1: 274–75; Tyrrell, Woman’s World, 270; Gutzke, Pubs and Progressives, 28–29, 50.
The Temperance Legislation League, however, following such leading temperance proponents as Joseph Rowntree and Arthur Sherwell, diverged from the Trust movement in opposing counter attractions on pub premises. Speakers’ Handbook (London: Temperance Legislation League, 1907), 34; Brewing Trade Review, May 1, 1920; Great Britain, Parliamentary Papers, Report of the Committee on the Disinterested Management of Public Houses, 10 (1927), 7, Cmd 2862; 1920 Annual Report, Central Public House Trust Association, London School of Economics and Political Science.
For this movement, see ibid., ch. 2; David W. Gutzke, “Progressivism and the History of the Public House, 1850–1950,” Cultural and Social History 4 (2007): 239–49.
John F. Glaser, “English Nonconformity and the Decline of Liberalism,” American Historical Review 63 (1958): 352–63;
David W. Gutzke, Protecting the Pub: Brewers and Publicans Against Temperance (Woodbridge: Boydell Press/Royal Historical Society, 1989), 119–20, 123–24;
David W. Gutzke, “Rhetoric and Reality: The Political Influence of British Brewers, 1832–1914,” Parliamentary History 9 (1990): 98–99;
A. E. Dingle, The Campaign for Prohibition in Victorian England: The United Kingdom Alliance, 1872–95 (London: Croom Helm, 1980), 144–45, 169–71;
Lilian Lewis Shiman, Crusade Against Drink in Victorian England (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1988), 238–39;
W. R. Lambert, Drink and Sobriety in Victorian Wales, c. 1820–c. 1895 (Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 1983), 181;
Brian Harrison, Drink and the Victorians: The Temperance Question in England, 1815–72 (London: Faber & Faber, 1971), 148–49, 151, 155–56, 165–66; 278, 315–16;
David Woods, “Community Violence,” The Working Class in England, 1875–1914, ed. John Benson (London: Croom Helm, [1985]), 173–74, 177, 180–81, 189, 196–97.
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Gutzke, D.W. (2008). Progressivism in Britain and Abroad. In: Gutzke, D.W. (eds) Britain and Transnational Progressivism. Palgrave Macmillan, New York. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230614970_3
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