Abstract
Casting new light on the relationship between history and its observers, the critical theorist Eelco Runia has arrestingly claimed that the past “may have a presence that is so powerful that it can use us, humans, as its material.” The starting point for Runia’s theory is the report compiled by the Netherlands Institute for War Documentation on the massacre, in July 1995, of thousands of Muslim men and children near Srebrenica (Bosnia).2 Like Spain between 1937 and 1939, Bosnia had been placed under an arms embargo by the liberal Western democracies, and the Dutch UN peacekeepers stationed at Srebrenica had maintained a strict and—it has been widely alleged—ethically culpable neutrality. Refusing to take sides, the authors of the report reproduced this deliberate and repressive impartiality; they disarmed the past, Runia argues, just as the peacekeepers had disarmed the Muslims in the enclave. Their 7,000-page report effectively neutralized the horror of the massacre, subconsciously working to reinforce the myth of the Dutch as a sensible and decent nation. “They may have been under the impression that they were mastering the past,” he writes, “but, strangely and inexplicably, the past turned the tables and mastered these historians.”3
“Theory must always return to the earth to get recharged with new energy. For the word that breathes life is still needed to challenge the one that carries death and devastation.”
Ngugi Wa Thiong’o, “For Peace, Justice, and Culture: The Intellectual in the Twenty-First Century.”1
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Notes
Eelco Runia, “ ‘Forget About It’: ‘Parallel Processing’ in the Srebrenica Report,” History and Theory 43.3 (2004): 308 (295–320).
F.K. Ankersmit, “ ‘Presence’ and Myth,” History and Theory 45.3 (2006): 330, 335 (328–336).
Beverley Southgate, What Is History For? (London and New York: Routledge, 2005), p. 113. The quotation will resurface in this volume in the essay by David Coleman (chapter 7).
Carlos Barros, “The Return of History,” in History Under Debate. International Reflection on the Discipline, ed. Carlos Barros and Lawrence J. McCrank (New York: Haworth Press, 2004), p. 9 (3–41).
Bernard Williams, Truth and Truthfulness: An Essay in Genealogy ( Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2003 ), p. 246.
Richard J. Evans, In Defense of History (New York: W.W. Norton, 1999 ), pp. 188, 191.
Friedrich Nietzsche, “On the Uses and Disadvantages of History for Life,” in Untimely Meditations, ed. Daniel Breazeale and trans. R.J. Hollingdale (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), p. 121 (59–123).
Constantin Fasolt, “The Limits of History in Brief,” Historically Speaking 6.5 (2005): 5–10.
Simon Doubleday, “The Re-experience of Medieval Power: Tormented Voices in the Haunted House of Empiricism,” in The Experience of Power in Medieval Europe, 950–1350, ed. Robert F. Berkhofer, Alan Cooper, and Adam J. Kosto ( Aldershot, UK: Ashgate, 2005 ), pp. 271–285.
Constantin Fasolt, The Limits of History ( Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2004 ), p. 28.
Keith Jenkins, Refiguring History ( London and New York: Routledge, 2003 ), p. 16.
Kathleen Biddick, The Shock of Medievalism ( Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1998 ), pp. 1–9.
Beverley Southgate, “A Pair of White Gloves,” Rethinking History 10.1 (March 2005): 49–61; also Southgate, What Is History For? pp. 18–21; Jenkins, Refiguring History, pp. 33–58.
Gabrielle Spiegel, The Past as Text: The Theory and Practice of Medieval Historiography ( Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1997 ), p. 59.
Geoffrey Barraclough, “History and the Common Man,” Presidential Address, The Historical Association, Diamond Jubilee Conference [1906–1966] ( London: Historical Association, 1966 ), p. 10.
Eviatar Zerubavel, Time Maps. Collective Memory and the Social Shape of the Past ( Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2003 ), p. 12.
Anthony Giddens, Modernity and Self-Identity (Cambridge, MA: Polity Press, 1991), pp. 71 –72, 180 (Cited by Southgate, What Is History For? p. 9).
Afsaneh Najmabadi, “Must We Always Non-intervene?”: http://www.barnard.edu/bcrw/respondingtoviolence/najmabad.htm. Last accessed March 13, 2008.
Cited in Sebastiaan Faber, Anglo-American Hispanists and the Spanish Civil War: Hispanophilia, Commitment, Discipline ( New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008 ), Chapter 3.
Juan Goytisolo, Landscapes of War: From Sarajevo to Chechnya ( San Francisco, CA: City Lights, 2000 ), pp. 41–47.
Hugh Thomas, Rivers of Gold: The Rise of the Spanish Empire from Columbus to Magellan ( New York: Random House, 2003 ).
Hugh Trevor-Roper, “A Case of Co-existence: Christendom and the Turks,” in Men and Events: Historical Essays (New York: Harper, 1957), pp. 175, 178 (173–178).
Richard Fletcher, The Cross and the Crescent: Christianity and Islam from Muhammad to the Reformation ( New York: Viking, 2004 ), p. 160.
Cf. Simon Doubleday, “O que foi passar a serra: Frontier-crossing and the thirteenth-century Castilian nobility in the cantigas de escarnio e de maldizer,” Le médiéviste et la monographie familiale: sources, méthodes et problematiques, ed. Martin Aurell ( Turnhout: Brepols, 2004 ), pp. 189–200.
See, e.g., Bernard Lewis, The Crisis of Islam. Holy War and Unholy Terror ( New York: Random House, 2003 ).
James Carroll, Crusade: Chronicles of an Unjust War (New York, Metropolitan Books, 2004), pp. 5, 25.
http://www.elmundo.es/papel/2003/07/24/espana/1445256.html.
Eelco Runia, “Spots of Time,” History and Theory 45.3 (2006): 305–316.
Domna Stanton, “Introduction” to “Presidential Forum: The Role of Intellectuals in the Twenty-First Century,” Profession (2006): 8–9 [7–12].
Simon Doubleday, “English Hispanists and the Discourse of Empiricism,” The Journal of the Historical Society 3.2 (2003): 205–220.
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© 2008 Simon R. Doubleday and David Coleman
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Doubleday, S.R. (2008). Introduction: “Criminal Non-Intervention”: Hispanism, Medievalism, and the Pursuit of Neutrality. In: Doubleday, S.R., Coleman, D. (eds) In the Light of Medieval Spain. The New Middle Ages. Palgrave Macmillan, New York. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230614086_1
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