Abstract
The literature on NGOs tends to focus on the successes of this new form of moral activism. Yet few authors discuss the multiple meanings of success, and even fewer ask whether we should take the desirability of NGO successes for granted. First of all, it is notoriously difficult to define success in politics. One reason is that successes can be deceptive. Policymakers including activists have all too often celebrated the signing of treaties and protocols as major successes only to find out later that those treaties and protocols did not achieve anything.1 Conversely, a defeat can turn out to energize a movement and thus increase its power and influence over the long term. Defeats can pave the way for eventual victory. The other reason for the elusiveness of success has to do with the fact that there is always a gap between the ideals we formulate and the progress we can make in realizing those ideals. In war there is “no substitute for victory,” as General Douglas MacArthur once famously declared; but in politics, actors are considered pretty successful even if they do not achieve all of their previously articulated policy goals. Furthermore, certain events count as successes only in the light of ideals, which can easily be adjusted so as to make given achievements look better. The undying allure of opportunism has its root in that it allows people to appear always successful and on the winner’s side simply by switching goals and commitments.
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Notes
The most drastic recent example of a much-touted treaty that has not delivered any results is the Kyoto Protocol. See Gwyn Prins and Steve Rayner, “Time to Ditch Kyoto,” Nature 449 (2007): 973–75.
See Margaret Gibelman and Sheldon R. Gelman, “A Loss of Credibility: Patterns of Wrongdoing among Nongovernmental Organizations,” Voluntas 15, no. 4 (2004): 355–81.
Two remarkable attempts to capture the perspective of the recipients of international aid are Isabelle Delpla, “Moral Judgments on International Interventions: A Bosnian Perspective,” in Rethinking Ethical Foreign Policy: Pitfalls, Possibilities and Paradoxes, ed. David Chandler and Volker Heins (London and New York: Routledge, 2007);
and Hakan Seckinelgin, “Who Can Help People With HIV/AIDS in Africa? Governance of HIV/AIDS and Civil Society,” Voluntas 15, no. 3 (2004): 287–304.
Kevin Stairs and Peter Taylor, “Non-Governmental Organizations and the Legal Protection of the Oceans: A Case Study,” in The International Politics of the Environment: Actors, Interests, and Institutions, ed. Andrew Hurrell and Benedict Kingsbury (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992).
See Grant Jordan, Shell, Greenpeace, and the Brent Spar (New York: Palgrave, 2001).
See Ralf Bläser, Gut situiert: Bankwatch-NGOs in Washington, DC, Kölner Geographische Arbeiten, No. 86 (Cologne University, Department of Geography, 2005), 138–43.
See Tanja Brühl, Nichtregierungsorganisationen als Akteure internationaler Umweltverhandlungen (Frankfurt: Campus, 2003).
Shirley R. Steinberg and Joe L. Kincheloe, eds., Kinderculture: The Corporate Construction of Childhood (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1997).
See the overview in Ingrid J. Tamm, “Dangerous Appetites: Human Rights Activism and Conflict Commodities,” Human Rights Quarterly 26, no. 3 (2004): 687–704.
See Suzette Grillot, Craig Stapley, and Molly Hanna, “Assessing the Small Arms Movement: The Trials and Tribulations of a Transnational Network,” Contemporary Security Policy 27, no. 1 (2006): 60–84.
See Alan M. Wachman, “Does the Diplomacy of Shame Promote Human Rights in China?” Third World Quarterly 22, no. 2 (2001): 257–81.
See, for example, Matthias Busse, “Democracy and FDI,” HWWA Discussion Paper 220 (Hamburg: HWWA, 2003).
See Thomas Franck, “The Emerging Right to Democratic Governance,” American Journal of International Law 86 (1992): 46–91.
David P. Forsythe, “Naming and Shaming: The Ethics of ICRC Discretion,” Millennium: Journal of International Studies 34, no. 2 (2005): 467.
See, for example, Dominique Masson, “Constructing Scale/Contesting Scale: Women’s Movement and Rescaling Politics in Québec,” Social Politics: International Studies in Gender, State and Society 13, no. 4 (2006): 462–86; and The Municipal Powers Report (Vancouver: Sierra Legal, 2007).
See Kellow, “Norms, Interests and Environmental NGOs”; Michael Shellenberger and Ted Nordhaus, Break Through: From the Death of Environmentalism to the Politics of Possibility (Boston, MA: Houghton Mifflin, 2007).
See Andrei S. Markovits, Uncouth Nation: Why Europe Dislikes America (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2007);
Volker Heins, “Orientalising America? Continental Intellectuals and the Search for Europe’s Identity,” Millennium: Journal of International Studies 34, no. 2 (2005): 433–48.
David Chandler, “Hollow Hegemony: Theorising the Shift from Interest-Based to Values-Based International Policy-Making,” Millennium: Journal of International Studies 35, no. 3 (2007): 703–23.
For a discussion on the “moral snobbery” of medium-sized powers in contemporary international society, see Volker Heins, “Crusaders and Snobs: Moralizing Foreign Policy in Britain and Germany, 1999–2005,” in Rethinking Ethical Foreign Policy: Pitfalls, Possibilities and Paradoxes, ed. David Chandler and Volker Heins (London and New York: Routledge, 2007).
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© 2008 Volker Heins
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Heins, V. (2008). How Do NGOs Succeed (or Fail)?. In: Nongovernmental Organizations in International Society. Palgrave Macmillan, New York. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230611269_6
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