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Sovereignty and Sewage

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Lydgate Matters

Part of the book series: The New Middle Ages ((TNMA))

Abstract

Modernist opinion disparages medieval cities as random, unplanned, clogged, complicit in their own filth-choked self-strangulation, and unheeding in their courtship of contagion and disease. Arch-modernist Le Corbusier offers a low estimate of the medieval capacity for city planning. The harum-scarum cities of the Middle Ages allowed themselves, in his account, to grow up according to the “pack-donkey’s way,” the unplanned meander of the unreflective brute: “The pack-donkey meanders along, meditates a little in his scatter-brained and distracted fashion, he zigzags in order to avoid the larger stones, or to ease the climb, or to gain a little shade; he takes the line of least resistance.” 1 Even the most sympathetic modern commentators have been unable to resist moralization about this “fetid, messy town,”2 and to hint that its inhabitants brought its woes— including contagion and plague—upon themselves. I want to suggest, in rebuttal, that medieval cities were not sordid because people wanted them that way; that, in fact, medieval persons thought a great deal about the conditions of town life, and were unceasing in their attempts to achieve clear sightlines, rational planning, cleaner streets, and better sanitation. Commoners no less than kings had a legitimate interest in flushing out their city, and the wish to have access to a good latrine or garderobe emptying into the Thames needs no symbolic explanation.

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Notes

  1. The City of To-morrow and Its Planning, trans. Frederick Etchells (New York: Payson & Clarke, 1929), p. 5.

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  2. Roy Porter, London: A Social History (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1994), p. 28.

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  3. Ernest L. Sabine, “Butchering in Mediaeval London,” Speculum 8 (1933): 335–53; “Latrines and Cesspools of Mediaeval London,” Speculum 9 (1934): 303–21; “City Cleaning in Mediaeval London,” Speculum 12 (1937): 19–43. On the bibliography of medieval sewage, and in particular application to Lydgate, I wish also to mention an admirable study, compatible in many respects with my own, brought to my attention by John Ganim: David N. DeVries, “And Away Go Troubles Down the Drain: Late Medieval London and the Poetics of Urban Renewal,” Exemplaria 8.2 (1996): 401–18, dealing with the conjoined subjects of sanitation and sovereignty in the case of Lydgate’s royal entries for the young Henry VI in 1432.

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  4. See my Hochon’s Arrow: The Social Imagination of Fourteenth-Century Texts (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992). Another set of latrines was located within a hundred yards of the Guildhall yard.

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  5. John Lydgate, Troy Book, ed. Henry Bergen, 4 vols., EETS e.s. 97, 103, 106, 125 (London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trübner, 1906, 1908, 1910, 1935), Vol. I, Book II, ll. 532–33. This and subsequent quotations are from Bergen’s edition, compared and corrected with British Library MS Cotton Augustus A.iv.

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  6. Ed. N.E. Griffin, Mediaeval Academy of America Publications 26 (Cambridge, MA: Medieval Academy of America, 1936); quotations drawn from Historia Destructionis Troiae, trans. Mary Elizabeth Meek (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 1974).

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  7. Calendar of Close Rolls (henceforth CCR), 1349–54 (London: Stationery Office, 1906), pp. 65–66.

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  8. Death and The Regeneration of Life, ed. Maurice Bloch and Jonathan Parry (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1982), p. 42.

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  9. Galen, On the Natural Faculties, trans. Arthur J. Brock (London: Loeb Library, 1968), pp. 2–3.

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  10. Galen, On the Natural Faculties, pp. 120–21 and 314–15. See also, in this regard, Galen’s “De usu pulsuum,” in Galen: On Respiration and the Arteries, ed. and trans. D.J. Furley and J.S. Wilkie (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1984), pp. 185–228, esp. pp. 211–15 (“The arteries are themselves active, just as the heart is, contracting and expanding by turns by the same power as does the heart” [p. 215]).

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  11. Though a forceful argument on Galen’s behalf has been conducted by Rudolph E. Siegel, “Galen’s Description of Pulmonary Bloodflow and Circulation,” in his Galen’s System of Physiology and Medicine (Basel: S. Karger, 1968), pp. 47–56.

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  12. Giorgio Agamben, Homo Sacer: Sovereign Power and Bare Life (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1998), pp. 82–86. Benjamin’s discussion of “bare life” occurs in Gesammelte Schriften, II.1 (Frankfurt: Suhrkamp Verlag, 1972), pp. 199–203.

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  13. Beginning with his John Lydgate (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1970).

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  14. Paul Strohm, Social Chaucer (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1989), pp. 10–21.

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  15. On Chaucer’s responsibility for constructing scaffolds for the Smithfield tournament, see Chaucer Life-Records, ed. M.M. Crow and Clair C. Olson (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1966), p. 472; on the significance of the tournament in Richard II’s movement toward autocratic rule, see Sheila Lindenbaum, “The Smithfield Tournament of 1390,” Journal of Medieval and Renaissance Studies 20 (1990): 1–20.

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Authors

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Lisa H. Cooper Andrea Denny-Brown

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© 2008 Lisa H. Cooper and Andrea Denny-Brown

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Strohm, P. (2008). Sovereignty and Sewage. In: Cooper, L.H., Denny-Brown, A. (eds) Lydgate Matters. The New Middle Ages. Palgrave Macmillan, New York. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230610293_4

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