Abstract
When considering political practices across la longue durée, from the medi- eval period to the modern, from the English monarchy to the American presidency, one might consider a number of points of contact: the composition of elites who support those in power and upon whose power their status depends; the activities of political operatives whose efforts insulate those in power from accusation and danger; the motives of the economic oligarchies who most benefit from their candidates’ successes; the cross-generational family and kinship networks that engender power and benefit from those relationships; and many other factors that center upon the persons, structures, and processes of power. However, my point of reference between the medieval and modern periods concerns a defining absence at the center of two political moments and the discursive techniques used to traverse that gap.
Conditioned by the social dynamics of what Paul Virilio calls the “dromology” of contemporary society and by what Jacques Derrida terms the “logic of the supplement,” the Bush White House, similar to Henry IV’s Lancastrian regime, has configured a politics of the eternal present that covers over the absence of legitimate political authority.
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Notes
E.F. Jacob, The Fifteenth Century, 1399–1485 ( Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1969 ), p. 13.
Paul Strohm, England’s Empty Throne: Usurpation and the Language of Legitimation, 1399–1422 ( New Haven: Yale University Press, 1998 ), p. 2.
Quoted in Elisabeth Bumiller, “Keepers of Bush Image Lift Stagecraft to New Heights,” The New York Times, 16 May 2003: Al.
Stephen Orgel, The Illusion of Power: Political Theater in the English Renaissance ( Berkeley: University of California Press, 1975 ), pp. 10–11.
See James Simpson, “The Energies of John Lydgate,” in James Simpson, Reform and Cultural Revolution, 1350–1547 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), pp. 34–67, for a recent rethinking of Lydgate’s place in literary history and in the context of the early fifteenth century. For example, Simpson’s account of Lydgate’s political functions differs somewhat from Strohm’s in that Simpson calls Lydgate an “official” though not a “propagandistic” poet (p. 65 ).
See John Fisher, “A Language Policy for Lancastrian England,” PMLA 107 (1992): 1168–80.
See also Malcolm Richardson, “Henry V, the English Chancery, and Chancery English,” Speculum 55 (1980): 726–50.
See Jacques Derrida, “Structure, Sign, and Play in the Discourse of the Human Sciences,” in Writing and Difference, trans. Alan Bass (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1978), p. 280 [278–94]. See also Derrida, Of Grammatology p. 49.
Allen J. Frantzen, Bloody Good: Chivalry, Sacrifice, and the Great War ( Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2003 ), p. 19.
Pierre Bourdieu, The Logic of Practice, trans. Richard Nice (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1990 ), p. 127.
William Shakespeare, King Lear, ed. Stephen Greenblatt, Walter Cohen, Jean E. Howard, and Katharine Eisaman Maus (New York: W.W. Norton, 1997), 1.4.170.
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© 2007 Eileen A. Joy, Myra J. Seaman, Kimberly K. Bell, and Mary K. Ramsey
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Kline, D.T. (2007). The Crisis of Legitimation in Bush’s America and Henry IV’s England. In: Joy, E.A., Seaman, M.J., Bell, K.K., Ramsey, M.K. (eds) Cultural Studies of the Modern Middle Ages. The New Middle Ages. Palgrave Macmillan, New York. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230610040_8
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230610040_8
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