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Abstract

This chapter broadens the focus in order to also include those among the interwar generation who experienced their country being transformed into a Soviet republic. This will, however, be done by continuously contrasting the values of these “home” Estonians with their exile communities in order to encircle the specific civic profile of the first group. I have already mentioned in the introductory chapter that the data reported on this group is less straightforward to interpret, since the home Estonians were interviewed after yet another institutional change had taken place: the regaining of independence and democracy in Estonia. Nevertheless, in order to pinpoint crucial questions about cultural responses to institutional change, the present-day civic commitment and political culture of this group are interesting sources. What is captured is, however, clearly not only the impact of Sovietization but of post-Communist realities as well.

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  42. In short, political development and in particular the move toward democracy is seen as intimately connected to structural factors such as economic development and prosperity, the level of education, urbanization, and industrialization. Ronald Inglehart’s theory of economic affluence, spread comparatively evenly across the population as a prerequisite for value change supportive of democratization, is a modern version of this. See, e.g., Ronald Inglehart and Christian Welzel, 2005, Modernization, Cultural Change, and Democracy. The Human Development Sequence, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, and Culture Shift in Advanced Industrial Society, Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press.

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  43. For an earlier and still highly influential classic see, Seymor Martin Lipset, 1960, Political Man: The Social Bases of Politics, New York: Doubleday.

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  44. Kjell Bergman and Berith Jakobsson, 1984, Ester i Göteborg. Om identitetens bevekelsegrunder, Göteborg: Etnologiska institutionen, 64 (my translation).

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  45. In a volume about Poles in American exile, similar sentiments are described concerning the alienation between the émigrés and those Poles who lived their lives in Communist Poland. Mary Patrice Erdmans, 1998, Opposite Poles. Immigrants and Ethnics in Polish Chicago, 1976–1990, University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 93–105.

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  46. In many of her essays, the Croatian writer Slavenka Drakulic analyzes the Communist experience from an everyday perspective, emphasizing how conditions and lives were shaped by the lack of heating and the bad fabric of available clothing. “I sat in many kitchens—because the kitchen was always the warmest room in the badly heated apartments—and listened to the fate of the women, cooked with them, drank coffee if they had any and heard them speak about their children and their husbands, of how they hoped to be able to buy a new fridge, a new stove or a new car (…) Ours was trivial, we saw it from below. But the trivial is political.” Drakulic, Slavenka Drakulic, 1994, Hur vi överlevde kommunismen med ett leende på läpparna, Stockholm: Ordfront, 20 (my translation). English title: How We Survived Communism and Even Laughed (1993). For very insightful reflections on the Communist era and the transition from Communist rule, see Hoffman, Exit into History.

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© 2007 Li Bennich-Björkman

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Bennich-Björkman, L. (2007). Did Civic Commitment Survive Communism?. In: Political Culture under Institutional Pressure. Political Evolution and Institutional Change. Palgrave Macmillan, New York. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230609969_5

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