Abstract
The Colombian case is arguably the most important strategic crisis in the Americas at the dawn of the new millennium. It is Latin America’s epicenter of brutal warfare, narcotrafficking, and population displacement. Along with the Israeli-Palestinian war, and the contest between India and Pakistan over Kashmir, the Colombian imbroglio is among the oldest military conflicts in the world. Yet, except for the odd “sound-bite” or perhaps a brief story buried in the back pages of the international press, it has remained off the media radar screen. And despite the eclipsing fears of global terror and the quagmire in Iraq, Colombia is among the largest recipients of U.S. military assistance globally. For example, it ranked seventh with regard to U.S. foreign aid in 20051 and was the third largest recipient of U.S. military aid for a number of years between 1998 and 2004. Colombia, then, deserves more scrutiny than it has received. We shall explore Colombia’s strategic significance in relation to the RMA as well as the intriguing question of why this country has been relatively hidden from the global eye.
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Notes
Ahead of Colombia in 2005 were Iraq, Afghanistan, Israel, Egypt, Pakistan, and Jordan. For additional related information, see Curt Tarnoff and Larry Nowels, Congressional Research Service, CRS Report for Congress: Foreign Aid; An Introductory Overview of US Programs and Policy (Washington, DC: Library of Congress, 2004), p. 13.
An excellent discussion of Colombia’s violence is Malcolm Deas and Fernando Gaitán Daza, Dos ensayos especulativos sobre la violencia en Colombia (Bogotá: Tercer Mundo, 1985).
Even cannibalism was apparent in the region of present-day Cali and northward. See Frank Safford and Marco Palacios, Colombia: Fragmented Land, Divided Society (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002), p. 21.
See Paul Oquist, Violence, Conflict and Politics in Colombia (New York: Academic Press, 1980), p. 26.
See John Coatsworth, “Colombia: Roots of Violence in Colombia,” Revista: Harvard Review of the Americas, vol. 2, #3, Spring 2003, p. 8.
For a broader discussion of this, see Charles Berquist, Labor in Latin America: Comparative Essays on Chile, Argentina, Venezuela and Colombia (Palo Alto, CA: Stanford University Press, 1986), p. 293.
For a broader discussion of this, see James Rochlin, Vanguard Revolutionaries in Latin America: Peru, Colombia and Mexico (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 2003), chapter 2.
See Eric Hobsbawn, Rebeldes Primitivos (Barcelona: Ediciones Ariel, 1980), p. 229.
See Consultoría para losDerechos Humanos y elDesplazamiento Forzado (Codhes), Un Pais Que Huye: Desplazamiento y violencia (Bogotá: Codhes, 2003), p. 146.
This point is developed fully in Nazih Richani’s superb work The Political Economy of War and Peace in Colombia (Albany: SUNY, 2002). Richani argues convincingly that, especially since the 1980s, subversive groups, criminal syndicates, and the military establishment have reaped high profits from Colombia’s special brand of warfare and that this factor perpetuates the war. A similar point is made by
Eduardo Pizarro Leon-gomez in Una democracia asediada—balance y perspectivas del conflicto armado en Colombia (Bogotá: Norma, 2004), p. 91.
Regarding the use of the word “terror” to describe the Colombian case prior to post-9/11 usage, see Daniel Pecaut, “The Loss of Rights, the Meaning of Experience, and Social Connection: A Consideration of the Internally Displaced in Colombia,” International Journal of Politics, Culture and Society, vol. 14, #1, 2000, p. 90.
Alvaro Mutis, The Adventures and Misadventures of Maqroll (New York: New York Review Books, 2002), p. 270.
Thomas Hobbes, Leviathan, ed. A. P. Martinich (Peterborough, ON: Broadview Press, 2002), p. 95.
For a good discussion of this, see Carlos Fuentes, The Burning Mirror: Reflections on Spain and the New World (New York: Mariner Books, 1999), pp. 255–258.
See, for example, David Sowell, The Early Colombian Labor Movement: Artisans and Politics in Bogotá, 1882–1919 (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1992), p. 26.
Gabriel García Márquez, Living to Tell the Tale (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2003), p. 303.
See Alberto Mayor Mora, Etica, Trabajo y Productividad en Antioquia (Bogotá: Tercer Mundo, 1984), p. 447.
See, for example, Cecilia Herrera, “City as a Modernizing Paradigm,” Pedagogica Historica, vol. 49, #1, 2003, pp. 65–69.
See Nazih Richani, Systems of Violence: The Political Economy of War and Peace in Colombia (Albany: SUNY, 2002), p. 16.
For an excellent discussion of this, see Francisco Leal Buitrago, La Seguridad Nacional a la Deriva: Del Frente Nacional a la Posguerra Fria (Bogotá: Alphaomega, 2002), especially pp. 2–18.
For a broader discussion of this, see Doug Stokes, “Why the End of the Cold War Doesn’t Matter: The US War of Terror in Colombia,” Review of International Studies, vol. 29, #4, October 2002, p. 577.
See James Rochlin, Discovering the Americas: The Evolution of Canadian Foreign Policy towards Latin America ( Vancouver, Canada: UBC Press, 1994), pp. 211–212.
See Gustavo Almario Salazar, Historia de los Trabajadores Petroleros (Bogotá: Ediciones Cedetrabajo, 1984), p. 169.
Nicholás Rodríguez Bautista, “Ejército de Liberación Nacional: Una historia de vida,” in ELN: Una historia contada a dos voces, ed. Carlos Medina Gallego (Bogotá: Rodriguez Quito Editores, 1996), p. 159.
For example, it appears on the cover of the ELN’s “Posición del ELN sobre la privatización de ISA-ISAGEN,” pamphlet distributed by the group in Colombia, March 2000.
ELN, “Quienes Somos?” viewed March 2005.
ELN, “Correo del Magdalena,” no. 115, 18 October 1999, www.eln-voces.com, viewed 7 January 2002.
Gabriel García Márquez, One Hundred Years of Solitude (NewYork: Avon, 1970), p. 163.
See Mauricio Romero, Paramilitares y autodefensas, 1982–2003 (Bogotá: IEPRI, 2003), p. 133.
Defensoria del Pueblo—Colombia, Secretariado Nacional de Pastoral Social Caritas Colombiana, Antioquia: Nordeste (Bogotá: Defensoria del Pueblo, 2000), p. 26.
See Alejandro Reyes, “Drug Trafficking and the Guerrilla Movement in Colombia,” in Drug Trafficking in the Americas, ed. Bruce Bagley and William Walkers, III (Coral Gables: University of Miami, 1994), p. 125.
For a broader discussion of this, see Alexander Robin, “Colombian Trade Union Leader Patricia Buritica Rallies Opposition to Plan Colombia,” Guild Notes, vol. 24, #2, Summer 2000, p. 2.
See Fernán González, Pasado y Presente del Sindicalismo Colombiano (Bogotá: Centro de Investigación y Accion Social, 1975), p. 5.
See Daniel Pecaut, Politica y Sindicalismo en Colombia (Bogota: La Carreta, 1973), p. 89.
For a broader discussion of this, see Miguel Urrutia, The Development of the Colombian Labor Movement (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1969), p. 76.
Ibid., p. 16.
See Álvaro Delgado, Politica y movimiento obrero, 1970–1983 (Bogotá: Ediciones CEIS, 1984), p. 113.
Ibid., p. 191.
See Edgar Caicedo, Historia de las luchas sindicales en Colombia (Bogotá: Ediciones CEIS, 1971), p. 231.
Gobierno de Colombia, DANE, “Población Económicamente Activa y Número de Sindicalizados,” pamphlet, Censo ENS, 2002.
See Nora Segura Escobar, “Colombia: A New Century, an Old War, and More Internal Displacement,” International Journal of Politics, Culture and Society, vol. 14, #1, 2000, pp. 111–112.
Interview by author with Juan Pedro Schaerer, Jefede la Delegacion, Comite Internacional de la Cruza Roja, Bogotá, 19 February 2004.
United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), “Displacement, Development, and Modernity in the Colombian Pacific,” pamphlet (London: UNESCO, 2003), pp. 158–159.
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© 2007 James F. Rochlin
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Rochlin, J.F. (2007). Historical Aspects of Colombia’s Strategic Landscape. In: Social Forces and the Revolution in Military Affairs. Palgrave Macmillan, New York. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230609662_2
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