Abstract
In the sixteenth century, English translators applied themselves to making literature in foreign languages available to their countrymen. This bloom in translation activity stemmed in part from a national crisis over the uncertain status of the English vernacular. Throughout the period, English intellectuals doubted whether or not their native tongue compared favorably with the emergent national languages of their Continental neighbors to the south. The mid-century scholar Andrew Boorde, for example, lamented the low estimation of English relative to other Continental languages; “The speche of Englande,” he complains, “is a base speeche to other noble speches, as Italion, Castylion, and Frenche.”2 Translation offered a means to remedy this cultural inferiority complex; for it was generally believed that translations from Greek and Latin would imbue the vernacular with classical eloquence while the domestication of contemporary foreign texts would render the tongue worldlier.3 Among the spokesmen for this project was Thomas Hoby whose work imported Italian literature and courtly customs. In the dedicatory epistle of his landmark translation of Baldassare Castiglione’s The Courtier (1561), he implores others to follow his example:
As I therefore haue to my smal skil bestowed some labour about this piece of woorke, even so coulde I wishe with al my hart, profounde learned men in the Greeke and Latin shoulde make the lyke proofe, and euerye manne store the tunge accordinge to hys knowledge and delite above other men, in some piece of learnynge, that we alone of the worlde maye not bee styil counted barbarous in oure tunge, as in time out of minde we have bene in maners. And so shall we perchaunce in time become as famous in Englande, as the learned men of other nations have ben and presently are.4
A translator travaileth not to his own private commodity, but to the benefit and public use of his country.1
—Nicholas Udall
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Notes
On the relationship between the vernacular and widespread translation, see C.H. Conley, The First English Translators of the Classics (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1927)
and Richard Foster Jones, The Triumph of the English Language: A Survey of Opinions Concerning the Vernacular from the Introduction of Printing to the Restoration (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1953).
Jonathan Goldberg, Writing Matter From the Hands of the English Renaissance (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1990), p. 204.
See Stephen Greenblatt, “Learning to Curse: Aspects of Linguistic Colonialism in the Sixteenth Century,” Learning to Curse: Essays in Early Modern Culture (New York and London: Routledge, 1990), pp. 16–39.
For a good survey of Elizabethan courtiers proficient in practical Spanish, see Gustav Ungerer, Anglo-Spanish Relations in Tudor Literature (Madrid: Artes Gráficas Clavileño, 1956), pp. 43–67.
Richard Hakluyt, The Principal Navigations Voyages Traffigues and Discoveries of the English Nation, 12 vols. (New York: Augustus M. Kelley, 1969), vol. 1, p. lxxxvii.
For a thorough microhistorical study on the fate of the Nuestra Señora del Rosario and her crew, see Paula Martin, Spanish Armada Prisoners (Exeter: Exeter University Publications, 1988).
Julian Corbett, Drake and the Tudor Navy, vol. II (London, New York: Longmans, Green, and Co., 1899), p. 230.
Garrett Mattingly, The Defeat of the Spanish Armada (Oxford: Alden Press, 1959), p. 253.
Simon Adams, “The Outbreak of the Elizabethan Naval War Against the Spanish Empire: The Embargo of May 1585 and Sir Francis Drake’s West Indian Voyage,” England, Spain and the Gran Armada, 1585–1604: Essays from the Anglo-Spanish Conferences London and Madrid 1988, ed. M.J. Rodriguez-Salgado and Simon Adams (Edinburgh: John Donald, 1991), p. 45.
Kenneth Andrews, English Privateering During the Spanish War 1585–1603 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1964), p. 4.
See Theodore K. Rabb, Enterprise and Empire: Merchant and Gentry Investment in the Expansion of England 1575–1630 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1967), p. 29.
Rabb emphasizes that the merchants in such arrangements were motivated by trade, whereas the gentry were motivated by the kind of fame extolled in pamphlets such as The Trumpet of Fame (1595), a tribute to Drake and Hawkins. See Madeleine Doran’s introduction in Thomas Heywood, If You Know Not Me, You Know Nobodie, Part II (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1934/35), pp. xvii–xix. See also Theodore B. Leinwand whose discussion of credit in this work extends to both sections of the play.
Theodore B. Leinwand, Theatre, Finance and Society in Early Modern England (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), p. 28.
Theodora Jankowski, “Historicizing and Legitimating Capitalism: Thomas Heywood’s Edward IV and if You Know Not Me, You Know Nobodie,” Medieval and Renaissance Drama in England, vol. VII, ed. Leeds Barroll (London: Associated University Press, 1995), p. 308.
Christopher Marlowe, Doctor Faustus, ed. Michael Keefer (Peteborough: Broadview Press, 1991).
Valdéz was not the only Spanish captive to be exploited in this way. Sir Edward Hoby’s Spanish studies were overseen by two noble hostages brought back from Cadiz: Archdeacon Don Payo Patiño and Alonso de Baeza, Treasurer of the King’s Customs. Gustav Ungerer, “The Printing of Spanish Books in Elizabethan England,” The Library, fifth series, vol. XX, no. 3, 1965, pp. 177–229.
For a full account of Doyle’s sources see Roger Steiner, Two Centuries of Spanish and English Bilingual Lexicography (1590–1800) (The Hague: Mouton, 1970), pp. 17–35.
Minsheu’s reputation as a competent lexicographer comes under fire in an essay by Jürgen Schäfer who observes that many of his etymologies are taken from other sources or simply incorrect. Nevertheless, my concern here is not with Minsheu’s accuracy but rather with the way he positions himself and his work within the culture. See, Jürgen Schäfer, “John Minsheu: Scholar or Charlatan?” Renaissance Quarterly 26, no.1, (Spring 1973), pp. 23–35.
On Minsheu’s contribution to this method of subscription publication see Franklin B. Williams Jr., “Scholarly Publication in Shakespeare’s Day: A Leading Case.” Joseph Quincy Adams Memorial Studies, James McManaway, Giles Dawson, and Edwin Willoughby, eds. (Washington: The Folger Shakespeare Library, 1948), p. 771.
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© 2007 Goran V. Stanivukovic
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Campos, E.V. (2007). Imperial Lexicography and the Anglo-Spanish War. In: Stanivukovic, G.V. (eds) Remapping the Mediterranean World in Early Modern English Writings. Early Modern Cultural Studies. Palgrave Macmillan, New York. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230601840_5
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