Advertisement

Conclusion:The American Presidency in a Post 9/11 World

  • Thomas E. Cronin
Chapter
  • 41 Downloads
Part of the The Evolving American Presidency Series book series (EAP)

Abstract

The American presidency is a uniquely necessary, and always potentially dangerous, leadership institution. The framers of the U.S. Constitution were aware of this:they knew that if they designed a presidency with too much power, they risked ending up with an arbitrary tyrant, yet if they designed a presidency with too little power, the nation might not have the decisive leadership needed in times of emergency. Today, 11 generations later, we face the same questions the framers faced:what kind of president do we need, and what kind of presidency do we want?

Keywords

Foreign Policy Civil Liberty Federal Court Geneva Convention American Presidency 
These keywords were added by machine and not by the authors. This process is experimental and the keywords may be updated as the learning algorithm improves.

Preview

Unable to display preview. Download preview PDF.

Unable to display preview. Download preview PDF.

Notes

  1. 1.
    James Madison, from “Political Observations,” April 20, 1795, in Letters and Other Writing of James Madison, vol. 4 (Philadelphia:J.B. Lippincott, 1867), 491.Google Scholar
  2. 2.
    Anthony Lewis, “A President Beyond the Law,” The New York Times, May 7, 2004, A25. See also Guantanamo and Beyond:The Continuing Pursuit of Unchecked Power (Report of the United States Amnesty International, May 2005).Google Scholar
  3. 3.
    Elizabeth Poroledo, “Italian Leader Chastises U.S. in Kidnapping Case in Milan,” The New York Times, July 2, 2005, A4.Google Scholar
  4. 4.
    Louis Fisher, “From Presidential Wars to American Hegemony:The Constitution After 9/11,” paper delivered at the Dilemmas of Democracy Conference, Institute for Leadership Studies, Loyola Marymount University, Los Angeles, California, February 7, 2005.Google Scholar
  5. 5.
    Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., War and the American Presidency (New York:W.W. Norton, 2004), 66.Google Scholar
  6. 6.
    Robert W. Tucker and David C. Hendrickson, “The Sources of American Legitimacy,” Foreign Affairs (November/December 2004):32. See also Andrew J. Bacevich, The New American Militarism:How Americans Are Seduced by War (Oxford:Oxford University Press, 2005).Google Scholar
  7. 7.
    See, for example, David Gray Adler and Larry George, eds., The Constitution and the Conduct of American Foreign Policy (Lawrence, KS:University Press of Kansas, 1996) and David Gray Adler and Michael Genovese, eds., The Presidency and the Law (Lawrence, KS:University Press of Kansas, 2002).Google Scholar
  8. 8.
    See Clinton Rossiter, Constitutional Dictatorship (Princeton, NJ:Princeton University Press, 1948); James MacGregor Burns, Presidential Government (Boston:Houghton Mifflin, 1966); Terry Eastland, Energy in the Executive:The Case for a Strong Presidency (New York:Free Press, 1992).Google Scholar
  9. 9.
    Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., “Foreword” to Adler and George, The Presidency and the Law, xi.Google Scholar
  10. 11.
    Tony Judt, “The New World Order,” The New York Review of Books, July 14, 2005, 17–18.Google Scholar
  11. 13.
    John Harwood, “Public Losing Faith in Bush,” Wall Street Journal, July 14, 2005, A4.Google Scholar
  12. 14.
    Quoted in Keith Perine, “Court Rulings Erode Base of Imprisonment Policy,” CQ Weekly, March 7, 2005, 555. See also Neal A. Lewis, “Judge Says U.S. Terror Suspect can’t be Held as an Enemy Combatant,” The New York Times, March 1, 2005, A14.Google Scholar
  13. 15.
    Sen. Robert Taft, December 19, 1941. From The Papers of Robert Taft (Kent, OH:Kent State University Press, 1997), 303.Google Scholar

Copyright information

© Michael A. Genovese and Lori Cox Han 2006

Authors and Affiliations

  • Thomas E. Cronin

There are no affiliations available

Personalised recommendations