Abstract
National consciousness, Eliot believes, is the medium of the individual mind. The word ‘medium’ can mean both a ‘[pervading] or enveloping substance … one’s environment, conditions of life’ and an ‘intermediate agency, means, instrument or channel’ (OED). It is when national consciousness is understood in both these senses that Deronda can develop and realize his cultural ambition. To re-create through reforming existing tradition defines the vital role that Eliot sets for the Jewish national leaders, unsatisfactory though their oft-criticized characterization may be. This is to say that the reviving capacity of Jewish communal memory relies primarily on ‘a number of distinct selves capable of social communication’.1 In many ways, Mordecai and Deronda are the true bearers of their national heritage, and perhaps the only individuals within the fictional Jewish community who are in the position to shape or reshape it. Their commitment takes the form of ‘action, choice, resolved memory’, what may ‘help to will our own better future’ (DD, 42:499). Daniel Deronda thus continues Eliot’s lifelong exploration into the propensities and potentialities of individuals vis-à-vis communal traditions by which they are inexorably determined — what Comte calls ‘[the] organization of the reaction of will against Necessity’ (GEN, I, 170).
We must be patient with the inevitable makeshift of our human thinking, whether in its sum total or in the separate minds that have made the sum.
(George Eliot, DD, 41:478)
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Notes
According to T. W. Heyck, The Transformation of Intellectual Life in Victorian England (London, 1982), pp. 11–17, the term and concept of the ‘intellectual’ did not come into general currency until the 1870s. Although Eliot did once in a letter of 1852 refer to a meeting of a group of writers and scientists as an ‘assemblage of intellectuals’ (quoted in Haight, George Eliot, p. 110), there is a case for dating the usage later. I use the term ‘intellectual’ in the sense defined by Stefan Collini in his Public Moralists to refer to ‘function and identity rather than occupation and belief’. In this sense, intellectuals are those ‘who are marked out by their involvement in the business of articulating reflections on human activities and exercising some kind of cultural authority acknowledged by the attentions of the wider society’ (p. 28).
Ben Knights, The Idea of the Clerisy in the Nineteenth Century (Cambridge, 1978), p. 7.
Newman, Rise of English Nationalism, p. 56. See also Jean Sudrann, ‘Daniel Deronda and the Landscape of Exile’, English Literary History, 37 (1970), pp. 433–55.
For a full examination of Eliot in terms of intellectual alienation, see Sheldon Rothblatt, ‘George Eliot as a Type of European Intellectual’, History of European Ideas, 7 (1986), pp. 47–65.
For a discussion of the concept of intellectual alienation, see Melvin Richter, ‘Intellectual and Class Alienation: Oxford idealist diagnoses and prescriptions’, Archives Européennes de Sociologie, 7 (1966), pp. 1–26, especially pp. 9–12 and 16–17.
For a different view, see Daniel Cottom, Social Figures: George Eliot, Social History, and Literary Representation (Minneapolis, 1987), p. 25.
For a perceptive discussion of the tension between abstract moral teaching and novel-writing in Eliot, see David Carroll, ‘George Eliot: The Sibyl of Mercia’, Studies in the Novel, 15 (1983), pp. 10–25.
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© 2000 Hao Li
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Li, H. (2000). Epilogue: Historical Consciousness and the Intellectual. In: Memory and History in George Eliot. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230598607_8
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