Abstract
In October 2003, the Turkish Republic celebrated its eightieth anniversary, and for many believers in the Kemalist principles under which it was founded, the election a year earlier of Tayyip Erdoğan’s pro-Islam Justice and Development Party (AKP) did not contribute to the festive mood at all. Still, after more than three years into its mandate, Erdoğan’s government has arguably proven to be far from as negative a development as had been widely feared. On the contrary, AKP’s tenure has presented a significant opportunity towards the reconciliation — that is, coexistence — between Islamic and Kemalist republican elements regarding the character of the Turkish state, and therefore towards the pluralizing of a hitherto monolithic, laicist, top-down prescribed identity to reflect the modern socio-political, cultural and demographic realities of modern Turkey While its outcome is by no means certain or complete, this latest endeavour to expand the Turkish socio-political and civic space may strengthen substantially the pace for democratic consolidation in modern Turkey.
After a century of Westernization, Turkey has undergone immense changes — greater than any outside observer had thought possible. But the deepest Islamic roots of Turkish life and culture are still alive, and the ultimate identity of Turk and Muslim in Turkey is still unchallenged.
Bernard Lewis, The Emergence of Modern Turkey
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Notes
Bernard Lewis, The Emergence of Modern Turkey, 2nd edn (London: Oxford University Press, 1968), pp. 482–3.
Elizabeth Özdalga, The Veiling Issue: Official Secularism and Popular Islam in Modern Turkey (Richmond, Surrey, UK: Curzon Press, 1998), p. 19.
Binnaz Sayari, Religion and Political Development in Turkey. PhD dissertation. City University of New York (Ann Arbor, MI: Xerox University Microfilms, 1976), p. 116–25.
Ozay Mehmet, Islamic Identity and Development: Studies of the Islamic Periphery (London: Routledge, 1990), p. 126.
N. Sydney Fischer, The Middle East, A History (New York: Knopf, 1979), pp. 426–33.
See Ernest Gellner, Nations and Nationalism (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1983), p. 142.
Ilkay Sunar, ‘State, Society and Democracy in Turkey’, in Vojtech Mastny and R. Craig Nation, eds, Turkey Between East and West: New Challenges for a Rising Regional Power (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1996), pp. 141–6.
Max Weber, the main authority in legitimacy theory, offers three ways in which an authority can gain legitimacy: (1) traditional — based on inheritance; (2) charismatic — resting upon a leader’s talents, and (3) rational-legal — based on popular acceptance of a set of governing rules. See Weber, Staatssoziologie (Berlin: Dunkert & Humbolt, 1956), p. 28
Seymour M. Lipset, ‘The Social Requisites of Democracy Revisited’, American Sociological Review 59 (1994), 1: 1–22, p. 8.
Dietrich Jung with Wolfango Piccoli, Turkey at the Crossroads: Ottoman Legacies and a Greater Middle East (London: Zed Books, 2001), p. 118.
Resat Kasaba, The Ottoman Empire and the World Economy in the Nineteenth Century (Albany, NY: SUNY Press, 1988), pp. 57 and 110).
Canan Asian, Party-Building and Democratization: The Case of Turkey, 1983–1995 (Montreal: McGill University, Doctoral dissertation (unpublished), 2001), p. 88.
Ergun Ozbudun, Contemporary Turkish Politics: Challenges to Democratic Consolidation (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 2000).
Çigdem Balim, Ersin Kalaycioğlu, Cevat Karataş, Gareth Winrow and Feroz Yasamee, eds, Turkey: Political, Social and Economic Challenges in the 1990s (New York: Brill, 1995), p. 91.
His brother held a high position in the Nakşibendi order; see Erik Cornell, Turkey in the 21st Century: Opportunities, Challenges, Threats (Richmond, Surrey: Curzon Press, 2001), p. 97.
Haldun Giilalp, ‘Political Islam in Turkey: The Rise and Fall of the Refah Party’, Muslim World 89 (1999), 1: 22–41
James Pettifer, The Turkish Labyrinth: Atatürk and the New Islam (London: Viking Press, 1997), p. 134.
Joseph Schumpeter, Capitalism, Socialism and Democracy (London: Allen & Unwin, 1943), p. 269.
For example, Huntington calls ‘elections, open free and fair’ essential for democracy, the inescapable sine qua non (Samuel Huntington, ‘Democracy’s Third Wave’, Journal of Democracy 2 (1991), 2:12–34.
Adam Przeworski and Fernando Limongi, ‘Modernization: Theories and Facts’, World Politics 49 (1997), 2: 155–83
See, for example, Juan Linz and Alfred Stepan, ‘Problems of Democratic Transition and Consolidation: Southern Europe, South America and Post-Communist Europe’ (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996).
Philippe Schmitter and Terry Lynne Karl, ‘What Democracy Is ... and Is Not’, Journal of Democracy 2 (1991), 3: 75–88
Larry Diamond, ‘Is the Third Wave Over?’, Journal of Democracy 7 (1996), 2: 20–37
Robert Dahl, Dilemmas of Pluralist Democracy (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1982), p. 11
Guillermo O’Donnell, ‘Illusions About Consolidation’, Journal of Democracy 7 (1996), 2: 34–51
See Juan Linz and Alfred Stepan, ‘Towards Consolidated Democracies’, Journal of Democracy 7 (1996), 2: 14–33
Hough Poulton, Top Hat, Grey Wolf and Crescent (New York: New York University Press, 1997), p. 101
In Robin Wright, ‘Islam and Liberal Democracy: Two Visions of Reformation’, Journal of Democracy 7 (1996), 2: 64–75.
It also represents a large segment of what Nancy Tapper and Richard Tapper call ‘Middle Turkey’ — an ‘unselfconscious blend of Kemalist Republicans and urban Islam’; Nancy Tapper and Richard Tapper, ‘The Birth of the Prophet: Ritual and Gender in Turkish Islam’, Man 22 (1987), 1: 69–92
For an authoritative account of confessional party formation in early modern Europe and eventual secularization of politics, see Stathis Kalyvas, The Rise of Christian Democracy in Europe (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998).
For example, witness the unsuccessful Kurdish uprisings in the early decades of the Republic (1925, 1937) and the ensuing state policy of cultural and linguistic homogenization, as well as the latest ultra-violent, terrorizing conflict between Kurdish Marxist guerillas (the PKK) and Turkish military forces that lasted from 1984 to 1999. See Ioannis N. Grigoriadis and Ali M. Ansari, ‘Turkish and Iranian Nationalisms’, in Youssef Choueiri, ed., A Companion to the History of the Middle East (London: Blackwell, 2005)
Nadire Mater (trans, by Ayse Gul Altinay), Voices from the Front: Turkish Soldiers on the War with the Turkish Guerrillas (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005).
Peter Beyer, Globalization and Religion (London: Sage 1994), p. 26.
Opening up political space and offering a legitimate voice to such groups could offer a viable and realistic alternative to the prospect of exit. Besides Hirschman’s seminal book Exit, Voice, Loyalty: Responses to Declines in Firms, Organizations and States (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1970)
Michael Hechter, ‘Nationalism and Rationality’, Journal of World-Systems Research 6 (2000), 2: 308–29
Hudson Meadwell, ‘The Politics of Nationalism in Quebec’, World Politics 45 (2003), 2: 203–41
Philip G. Roeder, ‘Soviet Federalism and Ethnic Mobilization’, World Politics, 43 (1991), 2: 196–232.
Robert McDonald, ‘Islamists to the Fore in Turkey’s Pursuit of EU Membership’, Journal of Southern Europe and the Balkans 7 (2005), 1: 103–08.
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© 2006 Spyridon Kotsovilis
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Kotsovilis, S. (2006). Between Fedora and Fez: Modern Turkey’s Troubled Road to Democratic Consolidation and the Pluralizing Role of Erdoğan’s Pro-Islam Government. In: Joseph, J.S. (eds) Turkey and the European Union. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230598584_3
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