Abstract
In his analysis of the hindrances to reform of the economic policy of post-Soviet countries, Joel Hellman2 begins with the assertion that resistance to further economic reforms did not come from those who stood to lose from such reforms, for example the unemployed or pensioners, but rather from those who first profited from reform, such as financial speculators. They benefited above all from the distortion of competition which characterized the early period of economic reform. During the process of privatization they could win preferential control of enterprises. Banks made considerable profits through speculative deals in unregulated financial markets. Local bureaucracies protected firms from competition in order to receive a share of the earnings from these monopolies. Therefore, according to Hellman, after the first phase of economic reform, the decisive conflict of interests with regards to the continuation of reform did not take place between political decision-makers and the classical losers from reforms, but rather between political decision-makers and those who had benefited from the initial period of reform. In Hellman’s opinion the result of this conflict largely determines further economic development.
I am grateful for the comments on a draft of this article by Christopher Gilley, Heiko Pleines and Hans-Henning Schröder.
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Notes
Joel S. Hellman, “Winners take all. The politics of partial reform in postcommunist transition”, World Politics 50, 1, 1998, pp. 203–34.
See also Heiko Pleines, Wirtschaftseliten und Politik im Russland der Jelzin-Ära (1994–99) (Münster: LIT, 2003), pp. 69–71.
Hans-Henning Schröder, “El’tsin and the oligarchs: the role of financial groups in Russian politics between 1993 and July 1998”, Europe-Asia Studies 51, 6, 1999, pp. 957–88
Peter Rutland (ed.), Business and State in Contemporary Russia (Boulder: Westview, 2001).
For more on this see D.E. Hoffman, The Oligarchs: Wealth and Power in the New Russia (New York: Public Affairs, 2002); Stefanie Harter, Jörn Grävingholt, Heiko Pleines and Hans-Henning Schröder, Geschäfte mit der Macht. Wirtschaftseliten als politische Akteure im Russland der Transformationsjahre1992–2001 (Bremen: Edition Temmen, 2003); Hans-Henning Schröder, “Die Jukos-Affäre”, Russlandanalysen, 6, 2003; “James Nixey “The Conflict Surrounding the Russian Oil Company Yukos”, http://www.riia.org/pdf/research/rep/BNNov03.pdf; Heiko Pleines and Hans-Henning Schröder (eds), “Die Jukos Affäre. Russlands Energiewirtschaft und die Politik”, Arbeitspapiere und Materialien der Torschungsstelle Osteuropa, 64, 2005.
Margarete Wiest, Russlands schwacher Föderalismus und Parlamentarismus. Der Föderationsrat (Münster: LIT, 2003).
Irina M. Busygina, “Die Gouverneure im föderativen System Rußlands”, Osteuropa 47, 6, 1997, pp. 544–56 (pp. 550–3)
Andreas Heinemann-Grüder, ‘Der asymmetrische Föderalismus Russlands’, Hans-Hermann Höhmann and Hans-Henning Schröder (eds), Russland unter neuer Führung. Politik, Wirtschaft und Geselschaft am Beginn des 21. Jahrhunderts (Münster: Agenda, 2001), p. 81.
For more on this see Rostislav Turovksii, “Gubernatory i oligarkhi: istoria otnoshenii”, Politeia, 5, 2001, pp. 118–23
Nataliya Zubarevich, “Izmeneniya roli i strategii krupnogo biznesa v regionakh Rossii”, in Nataliya Lapina (ed.), Regional’nie protsessy v sovremennoi Rossii: Ekonomika, politika i vlast (Moscow: INION, 2002), pp. 72–88
Robert W. Orttung, “Business and Politics in the Russian Regions”, Problems of Post-Communism 51, 2, 2004, pp. 48–60
Peter Reddaway and Robert Orttung (eds), The Dynamics of Russian Politics: Putin’s Reform of Federal-Regional Relations (Lanham: Rowman & Littlefleld, 2004).
Nataliya Lapina and Alla Chirikova, Regional’nye elity RF: Modeli povedeniya i politicheskoi orientatsii (Moscow: INION, 1999)
Nataliya Lapina and Alla Chirikova, Strategii regional’nykh elit: Ekonomika, modeli vlasti, politicheskii vybor (Moscow: INION, 2000) pp. 79–93.
For more see Gary N. Wilson, ‘“Matryoshka Federalism” and the Case of the Khanty Mansiysk Autonomous Okrug’, Post-Soviet Affairs, 2, 2001, pp. 167–94.
For more on this see Nikolai Petrov, Aleksei Titkov and Aleksandr Glubotskii, “Tyumenskaia oblast”, in Maikl Makfol and Nikolai Petrov (eds), Politicheskii Almanakh Rossii, 2, II (Moscow: Moskovskii Tsentr Karnegi, 1998), pp. 938–52;
Peter Glatter, “Federalization, Fragmentation and the West Siberian Oil and Gas Province”, in David Lane (ed.), The Political Economy of Russian Oil (Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield, 1999), pp. 143–60
Pete Glatter, “Continuity and Change in the Tyumen’ Regional Elite 1991–2001”, Europe-Asia Studies 55, 3, 2003, pp. 416–20.
For more on this, see Valerii Karasev, “Gosudarstvo vse vremya pytaetsia izymat mificheskie sverkhpribyli”, Neft i kapital 6, 2000, pp. 34–8; Vitalii Sotnik, “Duma prinyala okolo 60 zakonov, posvyashchennykh probleme VMSB”,
May 2004, available at http://www.uralpolit.ru/hmao/news/?art=3932; Aleksandr V. Malovetskii, Investitsionnaia politika neftianykh korporatsii (Surgut/Moscow: URSS, 2002), pp. 120–9.
According to the draft law “On the subsoil”, the regions will lose their authority over the regulation of the exploitation of strategically important mineral resources such as oil and gas to the federal centre. For more on this see Alena Kornysheva, “Ubili nedra”, Kommersant-Vlast, 49, 2004, pp. 30–6; Alena Kornysheva, “Mikhail Fradkov odobril natsional’izatsiyu nedr”, Kommersant 18 March 2005, available at http://www.kommersant.ru/doc.html?docId=555656; William Tompson, “Re-writing Russia’s subsoil law: from sovereignty to civil law?”, Russie.Cei.Visions, 3 May 2005, available at http://www.ifri.org/files/Russie/Tompson_anglais.pdf.
“Konstitutsiia respublika Tatarstan”, 30 January 1992”, F.M. Mukhametshin and R.T. Izmailov (eds), Suverenyi Tatarstan (Moscow: CIMO, 1997), pp. 201–40.
For more on this see Valentin Mikhailov, “Tatarstan: Jahre der Souveränität. Eine kurze Bilanz”, Osteuropa 4, 1999, pp. 366–86
Mary McAuley, Russia’s Politics of Uncertainty (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), pp. 82–108
N. M Moukhariamov, “The Tatarstan Model: A Situational Dynamic”, in Peter J. Stavrakis (ed.), Beyond the Monolith: The Emergence of Regionalism in Post-Soviet Russia (Washington: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2000)
Kimitaka Matsuzato, “From Ethno-Bonapartism to Centralized Caciquismo: Characteristics and Origins of the Tatarstan Political Regime, 1990–2000”, The Journal of Communist Studies and Transition Politics, 17, 4, 2001, pp. 43–77
Midkhat Farukhshin, “Tatarstan: Syndrome of Authoritarianism”, in Cameron Ross (ed.), Regional Politics in Russia (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2002), pp. 193–207.
Shaimiev gave the following reasons for this in an interview: “One can be a backward province in an economically leading country but at the same time one can be a flourishing region in an economically weak country. Even Russia as a whole has a great economic policy that doesn’t guarantee success for the enterprise of Tatarstan because competitive benefits are established at the regional level”; cited in Arbakhan Magomedoy, Regional Ideologies in the Context of International Relations (Zürich: Eidgenössische Technische Hochschule, Working Paper No. 12, 2001), pp. 29–30.
After the end of the privatization of the most important regional companies in 1997, the Tatar government had control of 392 regional firms in the fuel, oil extraction and processing industries. For more on this see Igor Denisoy, Vzaimodeistvie praviashchikh i ekonomicheskikh elit v regionakh Rossii (Kazan, 2003, Manuscript), available at http://polit.mezhdunarodnik.ru/archives/denisov_vzaimo.pdf.
Renat Muslimoy, “Tatarstan’s Oil and Gas Policies: Why Fix it if it Ain’t Broken?”, Oil and Gas Eurasia, 10, 2003, p. 14.
For more on this, see Sergei Sergeev, Politicheskaya oppozitsiya v sovremennoi Rossiiskoi Federatsii. Federalnye i regionalnye aspekty (Kazan: Kazanskii gosu-darstvennyi universitet, 2004), pp. 312–38.
For more on this, see Andrei Yakovlev, “Evolution of Corporate Governance in Russia: Government Policy vs. Real Incentives of Economic Agents”, Post-Communist Economies, 16, 4, 2004, pp. 387–404.
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© 2007 Julia Kusznir
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Kusznir, J. (2007). Economic Actors in Russian Regional Politics: The Example of the Oil Industry. In: Gill, G. (eds) Politics in the Russian Regions. Studies in Central and Eastern Europe. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230597280_7
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