Abstract
The differences between the Marshal’s revolt and Henry (VII)’s were manifold, and perhaps most evident in how they were portrayed by contemporary and later observers. Richard Marshal, in death, achieved victory; Henry lived, but remained a prisoner for the remainder of his life. For some time, Richard Marshal remained the paragon of the wronged vassal who valiantly stood up to the repressive actions of a king’s corrupt ministers. It was not until the 1260s and after, with the death of Simon de Montfort at the battle of Evesham in 1265,1 that Richard was displaced as the beacon of noble resistance. Even so, in the fourteenth century, for instance, Robert of Gloucester still glorified the Marshal’s stance, praised him for the resistance towards des Roches, and extolled the valour of his deeds in Ireland,2 while in the turmoils of the Edward II’s reign, Marshal’s rebellion was still remembered as an example of resistance, honourable and just though futile, to the king’s mistreatment of his barons.3 Richard’s reputation was tied to the image which contemporary chroniclers had constructed of him as a defender of the proper norms of royal governance.
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Notes
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The Metrical Chronicle of Robert of Gloucester, ed. W.A. Wright, 2 vols, RS (London, 1886–7), 11. 10735–822.
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Vita Gregorii IX, P. Fabre, L. Duchesne and G. Mollat (eds), Le ‘Liber Censuum’ de l’Eglise Romaine, 3 vols (Paris, 1889–1952), ii. 8–36. See also Tholomaeus of Lucca, following Martinus Polonus, who believed that the king’s death had been planned from the beginning: Die Annalen des Tholomaeus von Lucca in doppelter Fassung nebest Teilen der Gesta Florentinorum und Gesta Lucanorum, ed. B. Schmeidler, MGH SSrG NS (Berlin, 1930), 127.
Ottokars Osterreichische Reimchronik ed. J. Seemuller, MGH Deutsche Chroniken, 2 vols (Hanover, 1890–3), 11. 22913–20. 7. See, for instance, writing in the fifteenth century, Thomas Ebendorfer, Chonica Regum Romanorum, ed. H. Zimmermann, 2 vols, MGH SSrG NS (Hanover, 2003), 464, 769. 8. See, however, C. Valente, The Theory and Practice ofRevolt in Medieval England (Aldershot, 2003); J.R. Maddicott, ‘“1258” and “1297”: Some comparisons and contrasts’, TCE 9 (2003), 1–14, for England; and for a broader European perspective, the essays in Conflict in Medieval Europe. Changing Perspectives on Society and Culture, ed. W.C. Brown and P. Gorecki (Aldershot, 2003); J. Rogge, ‘Attentate und Schlachten. Beobachtungen zum Verhältnis von Konigtum und Gewalt im deutschen Reich während des 13. und 14. Jahrhunderts’, M. Kintzinger and J. Rogge (ed.), Konigliche Gewalt — Gewalt gegen Konige (Zeitschrift fur Historische Forschung, Beiheft 33), (Berlin, 2004), 7–50; D.J. Kagay, ‘Structures of Baronial Dissent and Revolt under James I (1213–76)’, Mediaevistik 1 (1988), 61–85.
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Among contemporary observers outside England, the seditious nature ot the English was in fact to become a commonplace and something approximating a national characteristic. Bibliotheca mundi seu speculi maioris Vincentii Burgundi praesulis Bellovacensis, ordinis praedicatorum, theologi ac doctori eximii, tornus quartus qui Speculum Historiale inscribitur (Douai, 1624), 1260; The Historia Occidentalis of Jacques de Vitry, ed. J.F. Hinnebusch, Spicilegium Friburgense 17 (Fribourg, 1972), 92; The Chronicle of William de Rishanger of the Barons’ War, ed. J.O. Halliwell, Camden First Series 15 (London, 1840), 17–18.
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Matthew Paris, for instance, was uncharacteristically fulsome in his praise of Cardinal Otto, partly because Otto reconciled the king to so many of his nobles, including some erstwhile supporters of the Marshal CM, iii. 403–4. This is highly speculative, but could be contextualised by an entry in the much later annals of Oseney claiming that, during the Marshal’s rebellion, Oxford had sided with the king: Annales de Oseneia, AM, iv. 77.
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Weiler, B. (2007). Rebellion in Context. In: Kingship, Rebellion and Political Culture. Medieval Culture and Society. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230593589_3
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