Abstract
The history of relations between the European Union (EU) and Russia can be read as the permanent quest of two partners to engage in a longterm relationship without subscribing to any serious long-term commitment. In 1997, the paramount Partnership and Cooperation Agreement (PCA) — the cornerstone of the bilateral relationship — entered into force. In 2005, an agreement — the so-called ‘Road Maps’ — was signed to deepen cooperation in the fields of economic integration, freedom and justice, external security, as well as education, research and development. Finally, in 2007, both the EU and Russia were set to negotiate the terms of a new far-reaching agreement replacing, supplementing or superseding the PCA of 1997.1 Although policy makers of both the EU and Russia describe the mutual relationship as a ‘strategic partnership’, neither of them has made an effort to define the long-term perspective of this particular relationship in bold substance. Thus, some pessimists argue that EU-Russia relations neither constitute a ‘partnership’, nor are they ‘strategic’ in substance.2
This chapter is based in part on interviews conducted in Brussels (European Commission, EU Council and Russian Mission to the EC) in May and June 2005.
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Notes
See D. Danilov, ‘Russia and the ESDP: Partnership Strategy versus Strategic Partnership’, in S. Gänzle and A. Sens, eds, Europe Alone. The Changing Patterns of European Security (London: Palgrave, 2007) pp. 135–58.
Assemblée Nationale, Rapport d’information déposé en application de l’article 145 du Règlement par la Commission des Affaires Etrangères sur les relations entre l’Union européenne et la Russie et présenté par MM. René André et Jean-Louis Bianco, députés, N° 1989, 14 December 2004, Paris, p. 41.
See e.g. A. Wilson, Virtual Politics: Faking Democracy in the Post-Soviet World (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2005).
This is Irina Kobrinskaya’s concept of ‘pro-Russianness’, see I. Kobrinskaya, Russian Foreign Policy in the Post-Soviet Space: New Priorities for New Challenges?, Ponars Policy Memo 332 (2004).
Please note that this paper does not intend to establish ‘external governance’ as a concept distinct from ‘internal governance.’ To the author’s understanding, ‘external governance’ relies on the externalization of the EU’s modes of governance. See S. Gänzle, ‘Presence and Actorness of the EU in the Baltic Sea Area: Multilevel Governance Beyond the External Borders of the European Union’, in H. Hubel, ed., EU Enlargement and Beyond. Russia and the Baltic States (Berlin: Spitz, 2002).
M. S. Filtenborg, S. Gänzle and E. Johansson, ‘An Alternative Theoretical Approach to EU Foreign Policy. “Network Governance” and the Case of the Northern Dimension Initiative’, Cooperation and Conflict, 37: 4 (2002) pp. 387–407
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R. A. W. Rhodes, Understanding Governance. Policy Networks, Reflexivity and Accountability (Buckingham and Philadelphia: Open University Press, 1997) p. 15.
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Cf. K. E. Smith, ‘The Use of Political Conditionality in the EU’s Relations with Third Countries: How Effective?’, European Foreign Affairs Review, 3 (2001) pp. 253–74: Political conditionality entails the linking by a state or international organization of perceived benefits to another state (such as aid) to the fulfilment of conditions relating to the protection of human rights and the advancement of democratic principles. Positive conditionality involves promising the benefit(s) to a state if it fulfils the conditions; negative conditionality involves reducing, suspending, or terminating those benefits if the state in question violates the conditions. Political conditionality differs from the Cold War practice of ‘linkage’ in that it is broader in its objectives (general political reform) and is not applied only to a certain group of (communist) states.
See F. Schimmelfennig and W. Wagner, ‘Preface: External governance in the European Union’, Journal for European Public Policy, 11 (2004) p. 658.
H. Hubel even speaks of a three-level game involving the domestic, intra- and extra-European level. See H. Hubel, ‘The EU’s Three-level Game in Dealing with Neighbours’, European Foreign Affairs Review, 9 (2004) p. 349.
See S. Hoffmann, ‘Obstinate or Obsolete? The Fate of the Nation State and the Case of Western Europe’, Daedalus, 95 (1966) p. 864.
D. Lynch, Russia faces Europe, Chaillot Paper, 60 (Paris: Institute for Security Studies, 2003) p. 85.
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European Council, Presidency Conclusions (Nice: December 2000).
European Commission, The Green Paper. A European Strategy for Sustainable, Competitive and Secure Energy, Brussels, 8 March 2006. COM(2006) 105 final, p. 3.
European Commission, Communication from the Commission to the Council and the European Parliament. The Energy Dialogue between the European Union and the Russian Federation between 2000 and 2004. Brussels. 13 December 2004. COM(2004) 777 final, p. 2.
Cited in K. Barysch, The EU and Russia. Strategic Partners or Squabbling Neighbours (London: Centre for European Reform, 2004) p. 32.
M. Emerson, ‘EU–Russia. Four Common Spaces and the Proliferation of the Fuzzy’, CEPS Policy Brief, No. 71 (2005) p. 2.
D. Mahncke, ‘Russia’s Attitude to the European Security and Defence Policy’, European Foreign Policy Review, 6 (2001) p. 428.
T. Forsberg, ‘The EU–Russia Security Partnership: Why the Opportunity was Missed’, European Foreign Policy Review, 9 (2004) p. 251.
T. Bordachev and A. Moshes, ‘Is the Europeanization of Russia over?’, in Russia in Global Affairs. Journal on Foreign Affairs and International Relations (Moscow, 2004), http://eng.globalaffairs.ru/ (Accessed 20 June 2006).
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© 2008 Stefan Gänzle
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Gänzle, S. (2008). The EU’s Policy toward Russia: Extending Governance Beyond Borders?. In: DeBardeleben, J. (eds) The Boundaries of EU Enlargement. Studies in Central and Eastern Europe. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230591042_4
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230591042_4
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