Abstract
Assessments of what motivated crusades and crusaders are inevitably speculative,1 some commentators seeing crusading as ‘a genuinely popular devotional activity’,2 while others prefer to explain it as a search for economic or other material benefits. All, however, admit — if sometimes unwillingly — that there can be no single explanation for the phenomenon. The Crusade of Varna — a campaign in which the combined forces of the pope, the king of Hungary, the Byzantine Emperor, the duke of Burgundy, Venice, Ragusa and the emir of Karaman confronted the Ottoman sultan, Murad II 3 — provides a good case study of the complexities of crusading. At one level it is easy to understand the events of 1443–5 simply in terms of Realpolitik, with the alliances during the crusade of Christian with Muslim and Muslim with Christian highlighting its secular character. The campaign was, however, still a crusade. It was a military enterprise under the leadership of the pope, undertaken by the church against an infidel enemy and, as such, it satisfies the definition of a crusade formulated in the thirteenth century by the Decretalist Hostiensis (d. 1271).4 Nonetheless, even if the participants in events publicly proclaimed the war to be a crusade, this does not necessarily explain their motives. The idea of a crusade can just as easily serve as a justification for an action undertaken for other reasons, as it can for inspiring the action in the first place, and this complicates the question of motivation. So too does the question of individual motives. The knights and common soldiers who took part in the campaign cannot have shared the secular goals of its leaders, nor would they have understood a crusade in the same terms as canon lawyers or cardinals. In brief, therefore, the motives that inspired the crusade of Varna were tangled and certainly not uniform.
Access this chapter
Tax calculation will be finalised at checkout
Purchases are for personal use only
Preview
Unable to display preview. Download preview PDF.
Notes
Jonathan Riley-Smith, What Were the Crusades, ( Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 1992 ), p. 66.
For a narrative of the crusade, see N. P. Zacour and H. W. Hazard, The Impact of the Crusades on Europe, ( Wisconsin: University of Wisconsin Press, 1989 ), pp. 276–310.
See also Colin Imber, The Crusade of Varna, 1443–45 (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2006), pp. 1–36. Hereafter, The Crusade.
Frederick H. Russell, The Just War in the Middle Ages ( Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979 ), p. 204.
Georgius Hofman (ed.), Acta Camerae Apostolicae et Civitatum Venetiarum, Ferrariae, Florentiae, Ianuae de Concilio Florentino, III Fasc. 2 Rome: Pontificium Institutum Orientalium Studium (1951), p. 69.
N. Jorga, Notes et Extraits pour Servir à l’Histoire des Croisades au XVe Siècle, II, 2nd series, (Paris: Ernest Leroux, 1902 ) p. 173.
Nancy Bisaha, Creating East and West: Renaissance Humanists and the Ottoman Turks, (Phildaelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2004) p. 146. This book provides a lucid account of the views of the Turks in 15th century Italy.
For the Ottoman Empire, see Colin Imber, The Ottoman Empire, 1300–1481 ( Istanbul: Isis Press, 1990 ).
For the Kingdom of Hungary, see Pâl Engel, ed. Andrew Ayton, The Realm of St. Stephen ( London: I. B. Tauris, 2001 ).
On this prince, see C. J. Heywood, ‘Mustafa C~elebi Düzme’, Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2nd edition, VII, (Leiden: Brill, 1993 ).
Edward W. Bodnar (ed. and trans.), Cyriac of Ancona: Later Travels (Cambridge, Mass. and London: Harvard University Press, 2003 ) p. 247.
For a summary of the dispute between Eugenius IV and the Council of Basel, see Hubert Jedin and John Dolan (eds), History of the Church, vol. IV (London: Burns and Oates, 1980 ) pp. 474–84.
Neşrī, Kitāb-i Cihānnümā(ed. Franz Taeschner), Ğihannümā. Die altosmanische Chronik des Mevlānā Mehemmed Neschrī (Leipzig: Otto Harrassowitz, 1951). Translation in The Crusade, pp. 182–3.
Anonymous (ed. Halil İnalcik and Mevlûd Og˘uz), Gazavât-i Sultan Murad b. Mehemmed Han, Ankara: Türk Tarih Kurumu (1989) Translation in The Crusade, p. 55.
Jan Dlugosz, Ioannis Dlugosii seu Longini Historiae Polonicae, Leipzig (1711), 778.
Summary in Maurice Michael, The Annals of Jan Dlugosz ( Chichester: IM Publications, 1997 ), pp. 489–90.
Jehan de Wavrin, Anciennes Chroniques d’Angleterre. The excerpt on the crusade is published in N. Jorga (ed.), La Campagne des Croisés sur le Danube(1445) (Paris: J. Gamber, 1927). Translation in The Crusade, p. 121
N. Jorga, Notes et Extraits, II 2e Série, Paris: Ernest Leroux (1899) p. 403.
For the text of the treaty, see Bodnar, Cyriac of Ancona, Letters 9B1, 9B2; Dariusz Kolodziejcyk, Ottoman-Polish Diplomatic Relations (15th–18th Centuries) (Leiden: Brill, 2001) pp. 197–9. Kolodziejcyk, pp. 100–9, provides the most intelligent analysis of the treaty.
On the treaty of Edirne and its subsequent ‘ratification’, see Halil inalcik, ‘1444 Buhranı’ in Halil İnalcik, Fatih Devri Üzerinde Tetkikler ve Vesikalar (Ankara: Türk Tarih Kurumu, 1954), pp. 1–53;
Pâl Engel, ‘Jânos Hunyadi and the peace “of Szeged” (1444)’, Acta Orientalia (Budapest), XLVII (1994), pp. 241–57. Engel’s article solves a number of problems and is particularly illuminating on relations between Brankovic´ and Hunyadi.
E. W. Bodnar, ‘Ciriaco of Ancona and the crusade of Varna: a closer look’, Mediaevalia, 14 (1988), pp. 253–80.
A. Hohlweg, ‘Kaiser Johannes VIII. Paleologus und der Kreuzzug des Jahres 1444’, Byzantinische Zeitschrift, 73 (1980), pp. 14–24.
Text in Yahya b. Mehmed el-Katib (ed. Şinasi Tekin), Menāhicü’l-İ nsā(Cambridge, Mass.: Orient Press, 1971), pp. 23–4. Translation in The Crusade, pp. 23–4.
N. Jorga, Notes et Extraits (1899), pp. 404–5. Translation in The Crusade, pp. 199–200.
Jânos Thurôczy (trans. Frank Mantello), Chronicle of the Hungarians (Bloomington, Indiana: Research Institute for Inner Asian Studies, 1991 ), p. 140.
Doukas (trans. H. J. Magoulias), Decline and Fall of Byzantium to the Ottoman Turks ( Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1975 ), p. 177.
Aşıkpaşazade (ed. Ç. Atsız), Tevârih-i Âl-i.Osmân, Istanbul: Türkiye Yayınları (1949), pp. 75–6.
Bertrandon de la Broquière (trans. Galen R. Kline), The Voyage d’Outremer of Bertrandon de la Broquière ( New York: Peter Lang, 1988 ), pp. 114–15.
Michel Beheim. ‘Die Türkenschlacht bei Warna’, in Hans Gille and Ingeborg Spiewald, Die Gedichte des Michel (Beheim, Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 1968), vol. 1, pp. 328–56.Translation in The Crusade, p. 180.
Chalkokondyles (ed. Immanuel Bekker), Laonici Chalcocondylae Atheniensis Libri Decem, Bonn (1843), pp. 318–20.
For the Burgundian expedition on the Black Sea, see H. G. Taparel, ‘Une episode de la politique orientale de Philippe le Bon: les Bourguignons en Mer Noire’, Annales de Bourgogne, LV (1983), pp. 5–29.
Georgius de Hungaria (ed. and trans. Reinhard Klockow), Tractatus De Moribus, Condicionibus et Nequicia Turcorum ( Cologne: Böhlau Verlag, 1994 ).
Editor information
Editors and Affiliations
Copyright information
© 2008 Palgrave Macmillan, a division of Macmillan Publishers Limited
About this chapter
Cite this chapter
Imber, C. (2008). The Crusade of Varna, 1443–1445: What Motivated the Crusaders?. In: Dimmock, M., Hadfield, A. (eds) The Religions of the Book. Early Modern Literature in History. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230582576_3
Download citation
DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230582576_3
Publisher Name: Palgrave Macmillan, London
Print ISBN: 978-1-349-28613-3
Online ISBN: 978-0-230-58257-6
eBook Packages: Palgrave Literature & Performing Arts CollectionLiterature, Cultural and Media Studies (R0)