Abstract
Several recent reports in the press state that, according to public opinion surveys carried out in the spring of 2001, some 57 or 58 per cent of the population of the Russian Federation would welcome the establishment of an official censorship organization in their country,2 despite the existence of a law on state secrets (since 1993), of a military censorship directorate within the Ministry of Defence,3 and of a wide range of unofficial types of censorship and self-censorship.4 According to an even more recent source,5 71.9 per cent of the population thinks that, ‘on the whole’, state control over the media should be introduced, with only 22.1 per cent opposed to this.
Only the censorship of school text–books can save our children. After all, even in the USA all text-books for schools are censored by the state. If this requires registration in law (zakonodatel’noe oformlenie), we are ready to take the initiative.
Vladimir Pekhtin, leader of the Unity (Edinstvo) faction in the Duma, 20011
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References
‘Spasti detei mozhet tol’ko tsenzura uchebnikov’, Nezavisimaia gazeta, 7 September 2001, p. 2.
See, for instance, the interview with Igor’ Iakovenko, Nezavisimaia gazeta, 19 April 2001, p. 8; A. Minkin, ‘Tsenzura ili smert’ ‘, Moskovskii komsomolets,
8 June 2001, p. 3; and M. Zheleznova, ‘Chtob tebia tsenzor obkornal’, Novaia gazeta, on-line (ed.) no. 21, 26 March 2001. According to Zheleznova, the corresponding figures for five and nine months earlier were, respectively, 49 per cent and 15 per cent.
See the interview with Colonel Aleksandr Manichev, head of the Defence Ministry’s Department for the Protection of Secrets in the Press and OtherMass Media, ‘Tsenzury net. No tainy ostaiutsia’, Krasnaia zvezda, 11 July 1996, p. 2, and the article referred to in note 26.
See A. Simonov, ‘Shest’ vidov tsenzury’, Vecherniaia Moskva, 6 April 1996, p. 2.
Profil’, 27 August 2001.
6. Istoriia sovetskoi politicheskoi tsenzury: Dokumenty i kommentarii, comp. T. M. Goriaeva, Moscow, 1997 (henceforth: ISPTs), pp. 14 and 21.
A notable exception is Leopol’d Avzeger. See his Chernyi komitet: Zapiski tainogo tsenzora MGB, Tel-Aviv, 1987.
See N. Gevorkian, ‘ “Gossekretnyi” ukaz’, Moskovskie novosti, 5 (February), 1992.
28. See A. Rikhter and F. Kravchenko, ‘Nikto, krome tsenzury, ne znaet, chto iavliaetsia gostainoi. No za ee razglashenie gazetu mozhno zakryt’ ‘, Zhurnalist, 1, 1998, pp. 50–1.
35. See, for instance, N. Babasian, ‘Tserkov’ i sredstva massovoi informatsii: razvitie konflikta’, Russkaia mysl’, 8–14 January 1998, p. 18.
43. On the background to the Nikitin case, see, for instance, B. Whitmore, ‘The reluctant dissident’, Transitions, 5(5), May 1998, pp. 68–73.
44. On the background to the Pas’ko case see, for example, B. McLaren, ‘High seas treason’, Transitions, 5(7), July 1998, pp. 79–81.
See, for example, Frank Ellis, From Glasnost’ to the Internet: Russia’s New Infosphere, Basingstoke, 1999, especially the ‘Concluding Remarks’.
See, for instance, the interview, ‘Avtoritarizm neizbezhen, no diktatury mozhno izbezhat’ ‘ with S. Karaganov, the Chairman of the Presidium of the Council on Foreign and Defence Policy, in Segodnia, 21 June 2000.
See ‘Perechen’ sekretov Minoborony perestal byt’ sekretnym’, Russkaia mysl’, 20–26 September 2001, p. 7.
See Issue 81 of the Daidzhest Fonda Zashchity Glasnosti, http://www.gdf.ru/digest/
See Moskovskie novosti, 1–2, 2002: 8–21 January 2002, pp. 2–3.
Russkaia mysl’, 4–10 April 2002, p. 4.
See (the now defunct) Segodnia, 7 June 2000.
53. See G. Herd’s article in the Journal of Slavic Military Studies, 13(4), December 2000.
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Dewhirst, M. (2004). Censorship and Restrictions on Freedom of Speech in Russia: 1986–1991–2001. In: Slater, W., Wilson, A. (eds) The Legacy of the Soviet Union. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230524408_10
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