European Identity: Theory and Empirics

Abstract

When presenting his country’s EU Presidency programme to the European Parliament in July 2003, the Italian prime minister, Silvio Berlusconi, suggested to a German member of the European Parliament that he could play the part of a ‘capo’ — concentration camp guard — in a forthcoming film. The German government demanded an apology and the German chancellor cancelled his planned holiday in Italy. The statements emanating from the Italian prime minister grated. The sentiments expressed were not representative of the civility that has become commonplace in relations between Europe’s political leaders. The statement held echoes of a different Europe, a Europe of closed rather than liberal nationalism. Parallel to the launch of the 2003 Italian EU Presidency was the conclusion of the Convention on the Future of Europe. The Convention agreed the text of a draft Constitutional Treaty, which formed the basis of negotiations in a new intergovernmental conference. Member states eventually signed the new ‘Treaty Establishing a Constitution for Europe’ in October 2004. The preamble to the Constitutional Treaty claimed that:

… while remaining proud of their own national identities and history, the peoples of Europe are determined to transcend their former divisions, and, united ever more closely, to forge a common destiny.