Abstract
‘Fascism was Italian; Nazism was German. We are British. We will do things in our own way; we will not copy foreigners’.1 In the question and answer section of its 1992 election manifesto, this was how the British National Party defended itself against the accusation that it was a ‘fascist’ or ‘Nazi’ party. Meanwhile, the party’s propaganda handbook — Spreading the Word — offered guidance for those activists on the doorsteps who might otherwise be tongue-tied when confronted with the awkward question ‘Are you Nazis?’ Answer an emphatic ‘no’, the handbook recommended, and since mainstream politicians like Enoch Powell have been called ‘Nazis’ for raising ‘quite moderate objections to immigration’, maintain that the word ‘Nazi’ has become a meaningless term of abuse.2 For sure, since the words ‘fascist’ and ‘Nazi’ are all too frequently used in order to smear political opponents, they have been stripped of much of their meaning. Nonetheless, we will resist the temptation to disparage or remove them from the pages of our study. On the contrary, as we lay bare the extent to which the British National Party’s political ideology over the 1982–99 period assumed a distinctly fascist form, we will insist on their correct usage. Moreover, since this provides the yardstick against which we can measure Nick Griffin’s later programme of ‘modernisation’, this chapter provides an all-important background context to the latest phase in the evolution of the British National Party.
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Notes
See for instance, L. Cheles, R. Ferguson and M. Vaughan (eds), Neo-fascism in Europe (Harlow: Longman, 1991);
P. Merkl and L. Weinberg (eds), Encounters with the Contemporary Radical Right (Boulder, San Francisco and Oxford: Westview Press, 1993);
H.-G. Betz, Radical Right-Wing Parties in Western Europe (Basingstoke: Macmillan — now Palgrave, 1994) and
P. Taggart, ‘New Populist Parties in Western Europe’, West European Politics, vol. 18, no. 1 (1995), pp. 34–51.
See for instance, P. Merkl and L. Weinberg (eds), The Revival of Right-Wing Extremism in the Nineties (London: Frank Cass, 1997),
and H. Kitschelt, The Radical Right in Western Europe (Ann Arbor, University of Michigan Press, 1997).
See H.-G. Betz and S. Immerfall, The New Politics of the Right: Neo-Populist Parties and Movements in Established Democracies (Basingstoke: Macmillan — now Palgrave, 1998), p. 3.
See C. Mudde, The Ideology of the Extreme Right (Manchester: University of Manchester Press, 2000), p. 12.
See F. Ferraresi, Threats to Democracy. The Radical Right in Italy after the War (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1996), pp. 3–14.
C. Mudde, ‘The War of Words: Defining the Extreme-Right Party Family’, West European Politics, vol. 19, no. 2 (1996), pp. 225–48.
See P. Hainsworth (ed.), The Politics of the Extreme Right (London: Pinter, 2000), pp. 4–5.
R. Griffin, ‘Nationalism’, in R. Eatwell and A. Wright (eds), Contemporary Political Ideologies (London: Pinter, 1993), p. 150.
R. Griffin, The Nature of Fascism (London: Routledge, 1994), p. 166.
For the classic statement of this position, see G. Allardyce, ‘What Fascism is Not: Thoughts on the Deflation of a Concept’, American Historical Review, vol. 84, no. 2 (1979), pp. 367–88.
See for instance, D. Prowe, ‘“Classic Fascism” and the New Radical Right in Western Europe: Comparisons and Contrastsf’, Contemporary European History, vol. 3, no. 3 (1994), pp. 289–313.
For a recent Marxist riposte, see D. Renton, Fascism: Theory and Practice (London: Pluto, 1999).
G. Mosse, The Fascist Revolution (New York: Howard Fertig, 1999), pp. xi–xii.
See Z. Sternhell, Neither Right Nor Left: Fascist Ideology in France (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1996);
S.M. Lipset, Political Man (London: Heinemann, 1960);
and D.S. Lewis, Mosley, Fascism and British Society 1931–1981 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1987).
See N. Copsey, ‘Fascism: The Ideology of the British National Party’, Politics, vol. 14, no. 3 (1994), pp. 102–8.
See R. Griffin, ‘The Primacy of Culture: The Current Growth (or Manufacture) of Consensus within Fascist studies’, Journal of Contemporary History, vol. 37, no. 1 (2003), pp. 21–43.
R. Paxton, ‘The Five Stages of Fascism’, Journal of Modern History, vol. 70, no. 1 (1998), p. 7.
See comments by Alexander De Grand, in Journal of Contemporary History, vol. 37, no. 2 (2002), p. 266.
See R. Eatwell, ‘On Defining the “Fascist Minimum”: The Centrality of Ideology’, Journal of Political Ideologies, vol. 1, no. 3 (1996), pp. 303–19.
G. Mosse, ‘Introduction: The Genesis of Fascism’, Journal of Contemporary History, vol. 1 (1966), p. 22.
See S. Payne, A History of Fascism1914–45 (London: UCL Press, 1995), p. 14.
The classic model is of course provided by C. Friedrich and Z. Brzezinski in Totalitarian Dictatorship and Autocracy (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1956).
J. Tyndall, The Eleventh Hour, 3rd edn (Welling: Albion Press, 1998), p. 518.
T. Linehan, British Fascism1918–39 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2000), p. 223.
R. Muldrew, ‘Changes on the Extreme Right in Post-War Britain: A Comparison of the Ideologies of Oswald Mosley and John Tyndall’ (University of Liverpool, M. Phil, 1995), p. 115.
On Giovanni Gentile, see A. James Gregor, Giovanni Gentile: Philosopher of Fascism (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers, 2001).
J. Tyndall, The Authoritarian State (London: National Socialist Movement, 1962), p. 14 and p. 15.
M. Durham, Women and Fascism (London: Routledge, 1998), p. 144.
A.K. Chesterton, The New Unhappy Lords (London: Candour Publishing Co., 1965), pp. 203–4.
R.J. Evans, Telling Lies About Hitler (London: Verso, 2002), p. 204.
R. Griffin, ‘British Fascism: The Ugly Duckling’, in M. Cronin (ed.), The Failure of British Fascism: The Far Right and the Fight for Political Recognition (Basingstoke: Macmillan — now Palgrave, 1996), p. 162.
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© 2004 Nigel Copsey
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Copsey, N. (2004). Fascism on the Fringe: The Ideology of Tyndall’s British National Party. In: Contemporary British Fascism. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230509160_5
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