Abstract
In his highly regarded book of 1933, Calvin Hoover noted: ‘National Socialists believe that war is not only an inevitable part of the lives of nations and of man, but that it is a desirable institution for their development.’2 That a regime basing its ideology on the necessity and value of war could have come to power in Europe less than fifteen years after the most destructive war ever fought had ended was a conundrum that urgently required solving. This meant studying recent history. In doing so, numerous books were written, whose conclusions ranged from paeans to National Socialist pacifism to dire warnings about the threat, not just to the independence of this country or that, but to European civilization as such.
The event towards which we are moving is in all probability a second world war which, leaping from the Dvina, the Baltic, and the Danube right across the continent, will leave no country untouched and spare no state or group of states, no matter how ‘isolated’. Ernst Henri
[The diplomats] know that the Nazis have vast numbers of planes, that the Nazis have this and that — and knowing all this, and infinitely more, they sit around waiting for the war to start that will make the last holocaust look like child’s-play. John L. Spivak
Let Hitler mouth some of the well-worn tags of diplomacy, such as that ‘Germany loves her neighbours and desires peace — but peace with security’, and they heave a sigh of relief and murmur that, after all, Hitler is learning restraint and wisdom. How little restraint and wisdom such minds as his are able to absorb they will soon learn to their cost. George Sackst1
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Notes
E. Henri, Hitler over Russia? The Coming Fight Between the Fascist and Socialist Armies (London: J. M. Dent & Sons, 1936), p. vi;
J. L. Spivak, Europe under the Terror (London: Victor Gollancz, 1936), p. 92;
G. Sacks, The Intelligent Man’s Guide to Jew-Baiting (London: Victor Gollancz, 1935), p. 154.
C. B. Hoover, Germany Enters the Third Reich (London: Macmillan and Co., 1933), p. 212.
See B. Weisbrod’s articles: ‘Violence and Sacrifice: Imagining the Nation in Weimar Germany’, in The Third Reich Between Vision and Reality: New Perspectives on German History 1918–1945, ed. H. Mommsen (Oxford: Berg, 2001), pp. 5–21;
B. Weisbrod’s ‘Military Violence and Male Fundamentalism: Ernst Jünger’s Contribution to the Conservative Revolution’, History Workshop Journal, 49 (2000) 69–94;
B. Weisbrod’s ‘The Crisis of Bourgeois Society in Interwar Germany’, in Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany: Comparisons and Contrasts, ed. R. Bessel (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), pp. 23–39.
See also P. Fritzsche, Germans into Nazis (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1998).
See, for example, B. Granzow, A Mirror of Nazism: British Opinion and the Emergence of Hitler 1929–1933 (London: Victor Gollancz, 1964);
A. Sharf, The British Press and Jews under Nazi Rule (London: Oxford University Press, 1964);
F. Gannon, The British Press and Germany 1936–1939 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1971);
B. Wasserstein, Britain and the Jews of Europe 1939–1945 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1988);
T. Kushner, The Holocaust and the Liberal Imagination: A Social and Cultural History (Oxford: Blackwell, 1994). The literature on appeasement is too large to list.
See A. Schwarz, Die Reise ins Dritte Reich: Britische Augenzeugen im nationalsozialistischen Deutschland (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck und Ruprecht, 1993).
Related works here include J. Rose’s methodologically innovative work, The Intellectual Life of the British Working Classes (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2001) and, idem., ed.
J. Rose’s The Holocaust and the Book: Destruction and Preservation (Amherst, MA: University of Massachusetts Press, 2001).
J. Katz, ‘Was the Holocaust Predictable?’, in The Holocaust as Historical Experience, eds. Y. Bauer and N. Rotenstreich (New York: Holmes & Meier, 1981), pp. 26, 25.
See M. A. Bernstein, Foregone Conclusions: Against Apocalyptic History (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994), pp. 1–8, e.g. p. 3: ‘Sideshadowing’s attention to the unfulfilled or unrealized possibilities of the past is a way of disrupting the affirmations of a triumphalist, unidirectional view of history in which whatever has perished is condemned because it has been found wanting by some irresistible historico-logical dynamic.’
F. E. Jones, In My Time: An Autobiography (London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1983), p. 52.
R. Freund, Zero Hour: Policies of the Powers (London: Methuen & Co., 1936), p. 1. Cf. 3rd edn. (1937), p. vii.
E. Durkheim, The Elementary Forms of Religious Life; E. Nolte, The Three Faces of Fascism; on community and fascism-as-immanence, see J.-L. Nancy, The Inoperative Community, trans. P. Connor et al. (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1991);
M. Blanchot, The Unavowable Community, trans. P. Joris (Barrytown, NY: Station Hill Press, 1988);
D. Stone, ‘Homes without Heimats? Jean Améry at the Limits’, Angelaki, 2, 1 (1995) 91–100.
Hitler cited in R. Florian, ‘The Antonescu Regime: History and Mystification’, in The Tragedy of Romanian Jewry, ed. R. L. Braham (New York: The Rosenthal Institute for Holocaust Studies, 1994), p. 80.
Cited in E. Voegelin, Hitler and the Germans. The Collected Works of Eric Voegelin, Vol. 31, trans. and ed. D. Clemens and B. Purcell (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1999), p. 141. As Voegelin correctly goes on to note (p. 142). Hitler confuses Heraclitus with social Darwinism.
‘A Former German Diplomat’, Hitler — Germany and Europe (London: Friends of Europe, 1933), p. 13. See also the similar arguments put forward in other Friends of Europe publications, for example, J. L. Garvin, Hitler and Peace (1933);
W. Steed, The Future in Europe (1933);
G. Norlin, Hitlerism: Why and Whither? (1935);
G. Norlin, Germany’s Foreign Policy as Stated in Mein Kampf by Adolf Hitler (1936), especially the foreword by the Duchess of Atholl.
R. Dell, Germany Unmasked (London: Martin Hopkinson, 1934), pp. 101, 103–4.
M. Ceadel, Pacifism in Britain 1914–1945: The Defining of a Faith (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1980).
E. Rathbone, War Can be Averted (London: Victor Gollancz, 1938).
E. Henri, Hitler Over Europe?, trans. Michael Davidson (London: Dent and Sons, 1934), pp. 127–8.
The most important empirical refutation of the ‘big business’ thesis is H. A. Turner, Jr., German Big Business and the Rise of Hitler (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1985). For a historiographical discussion see C. Kobrak and A. H. Schneider, ‘Big Business and the Third Reich’, in The Historiography of the Holocaust, ed. D. Stone (Basingstoke: Palgrave, forthcoming).
H. R. Knickerbocker, Will War Come in Europe? (London: John Lane The Bodley Head, 1934), p. 251.
R. Pascal, The Nazi Dictatorship (London: George Routledge & Sons, 1934), pp. vii, 268.
J. Strachey, The Menace of Fascism (London: Victor Gollancz, 1933), pp. 130, 43.
P. Van Paasen, ‘The Danger to World Peace’, in Nazism: An Assault on Civilization, eds. P. Van Paasen and J. W. Wise (New York: Harrison Smith and Robert Haas, 1934), pp. 215–16.
J. Strachey, ‘Collective Security’, Left Book News, 2 (June 1936) 21.
J. Lewis, The Left Book Club: An Historical Record (London: Victor Gollancz, 1970), p. 106.
G. D. H. Cole, The People’s Front (London: Victor Gollancz, 1937), p. 151.
F. L. Schuman, The Nazi Dictatorship: A Study in Social Pathology and the Politics of Fascism, 2nd rev. edn. (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1936), p. 351.
L. Stowe, Nazi Germany Means War (London: Faber and Faber, 1933), p. 72.
E. Grigg, MP, Britain Looks at Germany (London: Nicholson and Watson, 1938), p. 51.
D. Woodman, Hitler Rearms: An Exposure of Germany’s War Plans (London: John Lane The Bodley Head, 1934), pp. 1, 239, 297, 9, 106.
A. Müller, Germany’s War Machine, trans. A. H. Marlow (London: J. M. Dent and Sons, 1936), pp. 1, 24. On the importance of ‘Motorisiexunspolitik’ for the German economy
see R. J. Overy, War and Economy in the Third Reich (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994), p. 7.
F. E. Jones, The Battle for Peace (London: Victor Gollancz, 1938), p. 30. Jones was elected a Labour MP in 1945, and was also a member of the British War Crimes Executive; see Jones’ article, ‘The Law and Fascism’, New Statesman and Nation, Part I (13 December 1947) 467; Part II (20 December 1947) 486.
S. H. Roberts, The House that Hitler Built (London: Methuen Publishers, 1937), pp. 362–3.
A. G. Bonnell, ‘Stephen H. Roberts’ The House That Hitler Built as a Source on Nazi Germany’, Australian Journal of Politics and History, 46 (2000) 20.
A. Meusel, Germany’s Foreign Policy (London: Germany Today, 1939), p. 68.
K. Heiden, One Man Against Europe (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1939), p. 83.
Cf. H. Ripka, Munich: Before and After, trans. I. Sindelhovâ and E. P. Young (London: Victor Gollancz, 1939), p. 484.
R. W. Seton-Watson, Britain and the Dictators: A Survey of Post-War British Policy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1938), p. 303.
J. K. Pollock, The Government of Greater Germany (New York: D. Van Nostrand Company, 1938), p. 192.
F. Ermarth, The New Germany: National Socialist Government in Theory and Practice (Washington, DC: Digest Press, 1936), pp. 172, 184.
A. Kolnai, The War Against the West (London: Victor Gollancz, 1938), p. 413.
P. and I. Petroff, The Secret of Hitler’s Victory (London: The Hogarth Press, 1934), pp. 125–6.
W. Necker, Nazi Germany Can’t Win: An Exposure of Germany’s Strategic Aims and Weaknesses, trans. E. Fitzgerald (London: Lindsay Drummond, 1939), p. 153.
S. G. Duff, ‘The Cost of Munich’, in Germany: What Next?, ed. R. Keane (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1939), p. 90. See also Duff’s articles in the Contemporary Review: ‘Germany and Czechoslovakia’, 153 (1938) 182–9; ‘The Czechs and the Crisis’, 154 (1938) 669–76; ‘The Fate of Czechoslovakia’, 155 (1939) 522–9 for her consistently anti-appeasement stance.
G. Reimann, Germany: World Empire or World Revolution (London: Secker and Warburg, 1938), p. 146.
H. Rauschning, Germany’s Revolution of Destruction, trans. E. W. Dickes (London: William Heinemann, 1939), p. 194.
G. Tabouis, Blackmail or War, trans P. Selver (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1938), p. 217.
H. Brown, ‘Hitler’s Age of Heroism’, Contemporary Review, 143 (1933) 536.
O. Dutch, Germany’s Next Aims (London: Edward Arnold & Co., 1939), p. 11. Dutch was not, however, a pro-Nazi. Although he believed that Hitler did not want war, but simply threatened it to win his goals, he argued that a German peace would be ‘a peace for the dead only, for the dead in body as well as the dead in spirit’ (p. 15), attacked British politicians for being more afraid of Bolshevism than of Fascism (pp. 231–3) and noted finally that ‘there is at the present time no other means but the one employed so successfully by the dictator states themselves [to avoid war]: the threat of brute force’ (p. 270) a position that provides an interesting point of comparison with that of G. D. H. Cole.
W. Lewis, Hitler (London: Chatto & Windus, 1931), pp. 47–8.
W. Lewis, The Hitler Cult (London: J. M. Dent & Sons, 1939), pp. vii, 100.
G. N. Shuster, Strong Man Rules: An Interpretation of Germany Today (New York/London: D. Appleton-Century Company, 1934), pp. 82–3. On Shuster, see also chapter 4.
J. Duncan, What I Saw in Germany (London: The Churchman Publishing Co., n.d. [1936]), p. 131.
J. Gloag, Word Warfare: Some Aspects of German Propaganda and English Liberty (London: Nicholson and Watson, 1939), p. 110. Gloag was the Public Relations Director of the Timber Development Association 1936–38.
S. Erckner, Hitler’s Conspiracy Against Peace, trans. E. Burns (London: Victor Gollancz, 1937), pp. 7–8.
W. Steed, The Meaning of Hitlerism (London: Nisbet & Co., 1934), p. xxx. See also W. Steed’s articles in the Contemporary Review: ‘Whither?’, 144 (1933) 1–14; W. Steed’s ‘Peace or War: Is There a British Policy?’, 144 (1933) 641–50; W. Steed’s ‘The Outlook in Central Europe’, 145 (1934) 513–21; W. Steed’s ‘British Interests’, 153 (1938) 385–95; ‘What of British Policy?’, 155 (1939) 641–50 W. Steed’s ‘War for Peace’, 156 (1939) 513–23, in which Steed’s increasingly shrill attacks on the British government’s inaction can be followed.
H. F. Armstrong, Europe Between Wars? (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1934), p. 11.
C. Cunningham, Germany To-day and Tomorrow (London: John Heritage The Unicorn Press, 1936), pp. 29–30.
See also Cunningham, ‘German Political Expansion’, Fortnightly Review, 139 (1936) 187–93.
H. Lichtenberger, The Third Reich, trans. K. S. Pinson (London: Duckworth, 1938), pp. 139–40.
See also Lichtenberger, ‘Nietzsche and the Present Crisis of Civilisation’, Hibbert Journal, 34 (1936) 321–30. On Lichtenberger’s Nietzscheanism, see my Breeding Superman, p. 71.
H. P. Greenwood, The German Revolution (London: George Routledge & Sons, 1934), pp. 270, 273. See also Greenwood’s articles in the Contemporary Review: ‘England and Germany’, 153 (1938) 139–47, in which he argued that a stronger Germany meant a better hope for peace; ‘Germany and England’, 154 (1938) 1–8, in which he argued that war was not inevitable and that Germany was not aiming at world domination; ‘Germany after Munich’, 154 (1938) 523–31, in which he claimed that Chamberlain’s opponents were making war inevitable, and that Britain needed strength in spirit, not just in arms.
P. Gibbs, European Journey (London: William Heinemann, 1934), p. 320. On Roberts and Gibbs, see Griffiths, Fellow Travellers, pp. 49–50, and chapter 4 below.
T. P. Conwell-Evans, ‘Germany in July-August’, Nineteenth Century and After, 120 (1936) 416. Cf. idem.
T. P. Conwell-Evans, ‘Impressions of Germany’, Nineteenth Century and After, 115 (1934) 72–82;
T. P. Conwell-Evans, ‘Between Berlin and London’, Nineteenth Century and After, 119 (1936) 57–68 for a similar argument. Conwell-Evans had taught history at the university in Königsberg in the academic year 1932–33.
R. Garbutt, Germany: The Truth (London: Rich & Cowan, 1939), p. 214.
N. Hillson, I Speak of Germany: A Plea for Anglo-German Friendship (London: George Routledge & Sons, 1937), p. 110; Griffiths, Fellow Travellers, pp. 267–8.
R. Hughes, The New Germany (London: Athenaeum Press, 1936), p. 24. Hughes had been a lecturer in French Literature at King’s College, London, until 1933, and then became a freelance journalist.
W. E. D. Allen, ‘The Fascist Idea in Britain’, Quarterly Review, 261 (1933) 232.
M. M. Green, Eyes Right! A Left-Wing Glance at the New Germany (London: Christophers, 1935), pp. 141, 157.
As M. George notes in The Hollow Men: An Examination of British Foreign Policy Between the Years 1933 and 1939 (London: Leslie Frewin, 1967), p. 55: ‘it is demonstrably true that animus against the French was one of the most common of Conservative expressions and that that hostility was increasingly accompanied by warm gestures of friendship for the Germans.’ See, for example, R. Chance, ‘Does Germany Mean War?’, Fortnightly Review, 136 (1936) 74: ‘Why should we not have the courage to accept Germany as an equal, treat her as a friend, which she desires to be, and tell the French firmly that with all their natural concern over security, they have failed to understand the real spirit of the German people?’
W. A. Philips, ‘Germany and Europe’, Nineteenth Century and After, 120 (1936) 269.
E. Taverner, These Germans (London: Seeley, Service & Co., 1937), p. 229.
A. P. Laurie, The Case for Germany: A Study of Modern Germany (Berlin: Internationaler Verlag, 1939), p. 90.
C. W. Domville-Fife, This is Germany (London: Seeley Service & Co., 1939), p. 278.
A. Leese, The Mass Madness of Sept. 1938 and its Jewish Cause (London: The Imperial Fascist League, 1938), pp. 3–4.
See also G. L.-F. Pitt-Rivers, The Czech Conspiracy: A Phase in the World-War Plot (London: The Boswell Publishing Co., 1938).
J. Wolf, Some Impressions of Nazi Germany (London: The Golden Eagle Publishing Co., 1934), pp. 56, 75.
A. L. Kennedy, Britain Faces Germany (London: Jonathan Cape, 1937), pp. 155, 176, 177. Kennedy had long held the view that Versailles had augmented the rise of Nazism, noting in his diary on 25 July 1930 that ‘Eventually a great nation cannot be kept down by servitudes of this sort imposed on Ger[many] by the Treaty of Versailles.’
See G. Martel, ‘Introduction’ to The Times and Appeasement: The Journals of A. L. Kennedy, 1932–1939, ed. G. Martel (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), p. 8.
C. Sidgwick, German Journey (London: Hutchinson & Co., 1936), pp. 279–80.
J. Brown, I Saw for Myself (London: Selwyn and Blount, n.d. [1935]), p. 77. Brown was a journalist and active member of the Labour Party.
G. E. O. Knight, In Defence of Germany (London: Golden Eagle Press, 1933), p. 19.
O. Keun, Darkness from the North: An Essay in German History (London: H. & E. R. Brinton, 1935), p. 31.
Vigilantes, Why the League Has Failed (London: Victor Gollancz, 1938), p. 51.
Vigilantes, Why the League Has Failed, pp. 63, 81. Cf. the arguments of W. A. Rudlin, The Growth of Fascism in Great Britain (London: George Allen & Unwin, 1935);
G. T. Garratt, The Shadow of the Swastika (London: Hamish Hamilton, 1938). See chapter 6 below.
Sir A. Willert, The Frontiers of England (London: William Heinemann, 1935), pp. 311–12.
F. A. Voigt, Unto Caesar (London: Constable & Co., 1938), pp. 197, 275.
See also J. C. Johnstone, Germany: Hammer or Anvil? (London: Hutchinson & Co., 1939).
L. T. Mowrer, Journalist’s Wife (London: William Heinemann, 1938), p. 349.
For two insightful essays among the many on the nature of appeasement, see R. A. C. Parker, ‘The Failure of Collective Security in British Appeasement’, and R. Douglas, ‘Chamberlain and Appeasement’, both in The Fascist Challenge and the Policy of Appeasement, eds. W. J. Mommsen and L. Kettenacker (London: George Allen & Unwin, 1983), pp. 22–9 and 79–88. Parker’s claim that ‘For successive makers of British policy, collective security as conciliation of Germany was preferred to collective security as resistance to Germany’ (p. 27), and Douglas’s claim that ‘As the British Ambassador to Berlin, Sir Nevile Henderson, had pointed out, there was an argument — even on Nazi premises — that Hitler only wished to rule over Germans, and was content to leave other peoples to their own devices. If that was the case, then a peaceful agreement might be possible’ (p. 85) are borne out by the thrust of fhe books I analyse here, despite the large number of pro-German publications arguing that Britain was provoking Germany into war.
See also Parker’s books, Chamberlain and Appeasement: British Policy and the Coming of the Second World War (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1993) and Churchill and Appeasement (London: Macmillan, 2000).
See, for example, W. W. Coole and M. F. Potter, eds., Thus Spake Germany (London: George Routledge & Sons, 1941).
Hans Frank, 23 April 1940, in J. Noakes and G. Pridham, eds. Nazism 1919–1945: A Documentary Reader. Volume 3: Foreign Policy, War and Racial Extermination (Exeter: Exeter University Press, 1988), p. 990.
Cunningham, Germany To-day and Tomorrow, p. 311. The Marquess of Londonderry, Ourselves and Germany (London: Robert Hale, 1938), pp. 173–4.
Borkenau, The New German Empire, p. 36. See also M. Michaelis, ‘World Power States or World Dominion? A Survey of the Literature on Hitler’s “Men of World Dominion” (1937–1970)’, The Historical Journal, 15 (1972) 331–60;
M. Hauner, ‘Did Hitler Want a World Dominion?’, Journal of Contemporary History, 13, 1 (1978) 15–32.
Colonel G. F. B. Turner, Germany. Her Aspirations: Colonial Claims and Armaments (London: The Covenant Publishing Co., 1938), p. 18.
P. Tabor, The Nazi Myth: The Real Face of the Third Reich (London: Pallas Publishing Co., 1939), p. 30.
J. Gunther, The High Cost of Hitler (London: Hamish Hamilton, 1939), p. 39. The book is made up of radio broadcasts made between July and September 1939.
L. Blake, Hitler’s Last Year of Power (London: Andrew Dakers, 1939), pp. 5, 115. Despite the basic premise of this book being proven wrong within weeks of its publication, Blake had the audacity to publish, in 1940, a book predicting the imminent end of the war; see The Last Year of the War and After (London: Andrew Dakers, 1940).
L. P. Thompson, Can Germany Stand the Strain? (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1939), p. 11.
See P. Levine, ‘Swedish Neutrality during the Second World War, Tactical Success or Moral Failure’, in European Neutrals and Non-Belligerents during the Second World War, ed. N. Wylie (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002).
R. Keane, ‘Introduction’ to Germany: What Next? (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1939), p. 15.
See, for example, B. Arnold and H. Hassmann, ‘Archaeology in Nazi Germany: The Legacy of the Faustian Bargain’, in Nationalism, Politics, and the Practice of Archaeology, eds. P. L. Kohl and C. Fawcett (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), pp. 70–81;
W. J. McCann, ‘“Volk und Germanentum”: The Presentation of the Past in Nazi Germany’, in The Politics of the Past, eds. P. Gathercole and D. Lowenthal (London: Routledge, 1990), pp. 74–88;
B. Arnold, ‘The Past as Propaganda: Totalitarian Archaeology in Nazi Germany’, in Contemporary Archaeology in Theory: A Reader, ed. I. Hodder (Oxford: Blackwell, 1996), pp. 549–69.
E. Bloch, ‘Rough Night in Town and Country’ (1929), in Heritage of Our Times, trans. N. and S. Plaice (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1991), p. 53.
O. Bartov, Hitler’s Army: Soldiers, Nazis, and War in the Third Reich (New York: Oxford University Press, 1991); idem.
O. Bartov, ‘German Soldiers and the Holocaust: Historiography, Research and Implications’, History & Memory, 9 (1997) 162–88;
H. Heer and K. Naumann, eds., War of Extermination: The German Military in World War II (Oxford: Berghahn, 2001);
W. Manoschek, ed., Die Wehrmacht im Rassenkrieg: Der Vernichtungskrieg hinter der Front (Vienna: Picus Verlag, 1996).
C. Hamilton, Modern Germanies as Seen by an Englishwoman. With a Postscript on the Nazi Regime (London: J. M. Dent & Sons, 1933), p. 269.
J. Steel, Hitler as Frankenstein (London: Wishart & Co., 1933), p. 173.
For a number of different examples of this phenomenon, see J. Bergman, ‘Soviet Dissidents on the Holocaust, Hitler and Nazism: A Study of the Preservation of Historical Memory’, Slavic and East European Review, 70 (1992) 477–504;
R. Samuel, Theatres of Memory, vol. I: Past and Present in Contemporary Culture (London: Verso, 1994);
A. Shapira, The Holocaust: Private Memories, Public Memory’, Jewish Social Studies, n.s. 4, 2 (1998) 40–58;
M. Richards, A Time of Silence: Civil War and the Culture of Repression in Franco’s Spain 1936–1945 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998);
K. Verdery, The Political Lives of Dead Bodies: Reburial and Postsocialist Change (New York: Columbia University Press, 1999);
R. Moeller, War Stories: The Search for a Usable Past in the Federal Republic of Germany (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2001);
See also my R. Rein, ‘Broadening German Memory’, Patterns of Prejudice, 37 (2003) 87–98.
F. E. Jones, The Attack from Within: The Modern Technique of Aggression (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1939), p. 201.
F. E. Jones, ‘Cato’, Guilty Men (London: Victor Gollancz, 1940).
I. Deâk, J. T. Gross and T. Judi, eds., The Politics of Retribution in Europe: World War II and its Aftermath (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2000).
See G. Best’s interesting review article, ‘Heiling Hitler’, London Review of Books (21 June 2001): 13–14.
W. Zukerman, The Jew in Revolt: The Modern Jew in the World Crisis (London: Martin Secker and Warburg, 1937), p. 26.
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Stone, D. (2003). Predicting War? The Place of War in Interpretations of Nazism, 1933–1939. In: Responses to Nazism in Britain, 1933–1939. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230505537_3
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