Abstract
Dealing with the effects of nationalism in contemporary German history immediately creates a problem of definition. Of course, there is the textbook definition of nationalism meant to apply to much of the Western world since the French Revolution: a process begun by that revolution, one shared by those of similar geographical origins, language, customs, diets, etc., that harnessed the power of the idea of popular sovereignty into an articulation of the desire for a common political entity.6 In Germany’s case, however, other characteristics have been inextricably linked with the desire for unity. German liberals in the Vormärz era began to view a national political entity as the only means of permanently securing individual freedom.7 German conservatives at the end of the nineteenth century developed a nationalism that exalted Germanness and pointed the political order squarely against “foreigners” within and without Germany, ranging from “international” Catholics and Social Democrats to Poles and other ethnic minorities. This “growing, passionate, xenophobic, vulgarised nationalism” has been cited as one of the many structural problems within Wilhelmine Germany that led it into the First World War.8 In Hitler’s day, a racially based, pseudo-Darwinian nationalism meant conquest of eastern lands and extermination or slavery for the vanquished.9
I am aware they are strongly Nazi.
(U.S. Deputy Military Governor Lucius Clay, referring to German refugees from the east, June 1946)1
…Dr. Schumacher’ s leadership is becoming representative of the most nationalist elements in Germany today…it threatens to lead Germany into new expansionist adventures.
(Ernest dew. Mayer, U.S. Counsel General, Baden-Baden, relaying French official views of the Social Democratic Party, February 1947)2
…Schumacher…is a mixture of a fanatical and almost dangerous German nationalist with strong parochial and narrow elements.
(Patrick Dean, head of the British Foreign Office German Political Department, December 1946)3
Bowed, deeply bowed, but — ladies and gentlemen — not broken.
(Konrad Adenauer, October 1945, describing before the Cologne city council the proper German attitude during the occupation)4
German Social Democracy is fighting for Germany as an economic, national, and constitutional unity.
(Kurt Schumacher, June 1947)5
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Notes and References
Hans-Peter Schwarz, ed. Konrad Adenauer, Reden 1917–1967: Eine Auswahl (Stuttgart: Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt, 1975), 81.
Hans Kohn, The Idea of Nationalism: A Study in Its Origins and Background (New York: Macmillan, 1961), 3–6.
Leonard Krieger, The German Idea of Freedom: History of a Political Tradition (Boston: Beacon Press, 1957), especially his discussion of south German dualists, 314–22.
Hans-Ulrich Wehler, The German Empire, trans. Kim Traynor (Leamington Spa, England: Berg, 1985), 105.
The best short explication of this ideology comes in Eberhard Jäckel, Hitler’s World View: A Blueprint for Power, trans. Herbert Arnold (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University. Press, 1981).
A book useful describing this process is Alfred M. de Zayas, Nemesis at Potsdam: The Anglo-Americans and the Expulsion of the Germans (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1977).
See also Karl Dietrich Erdmann, Adenauer in der Rheinlandpolitik nach dem Ersten Weltkrieg (Stuttgart: Klett, 1966).
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© 1995 Daniel E. Rogers
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Rogers, D.E. (1995). In Fear of a Greater Germany. In: Politics after Hitler. Studies in Modern History. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230379954_5
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230379954_5
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