Abstract
Many keen observers of Irish elections see these as unique events. They scramble to weigh the results of recent opinion polls and to assess the predictions of informed analysts in an effort to arrive at their own forecasts regarding the outcome, resting their examinations mainly on immediate domestic factors. The 2002 election indeed had a number of unique features, some of them suggesting that the outgoing governing parties would perform badly. During the five years of the 28th Dáil, a series of revelations about political corruption had emerged from tribunals of inquiry, the government’s plans to sell off large segments of the state sector had foundered as shares in the newly privatised telecommunications company (Eircom) plummeted, and the government had suffered a humiliating defeat in the referendum on the Nice Treaty. It is true that there were also dramatic successes. Peace in Northern Ireland had been underpinned in 1998 by the Good Friday Agreement, and the economy was booming; but the first of these was of low political salience and the second had arisen largely from factors over which the government had little control (though it is likely that many voters nevertheless gave the government some credit for this).
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Notes
See John Coakley, ‘Minor parties in Irish political life, 1922–1989’, Economic and Social Review 21:3 (1990), pp. 269–97.
Richard Sinnott, ‘The electoral system’, pp. 99–126 in John Coakley and Michael Gallagher (eds), Politics in the Republic of Ireland (London: Routledge, 1999), p. 114.
Markku Laakso and Rein Taagepera, ‘“Effective” number of parties: a measure with application to western Europe’, Comparative Political Studies 12:1 (1979), pp. 3–17.
The meaning and significance of these names is discussed in John Coakley, ‘The significance of names: the evolution of Irish party labels’, Études irlandaises 5 (1980), pp. 171–81.
This relates to the well-known thesis of S. M. Lipset and Stein Rokkan; see ‘Cleavage structures, party systems and voter alignments: an introduction’, pp. 1–64 in S. M. Lipset and Stein Rokkan (eds), Party Systems and Voter Alignments (New York: The Free Press, 1967).
For a revisitation of the issues raised by this thesis, see Peter Mair, Party System Change: approaches and interpretations (Oxford: Clarendon, 1997).
John Coakley, ‘The general election in context: historical and European perspectives’, pp. 153–72 in Michael Laver, Peter Mair and Richard Sinnott (eds), How Ireland Voted: the Irish general election 1987 (Dublin: Poolbeg, 1987), p. 159.
See Wolfgang C. Müller and Kaare Strøm, ‘Conclusion: coalition governance in western Europe’, pp. 559–92 in Wolfgang C. Müller and Kaare Strøm (eds), Coalition Governments in Western Europe (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000). Another significant respect in which the two geocultural areas diverge is the set of norms that govern the calling of general elections. Premature dissolution of parliament is usually permitted by the constitution. But in English-speaking countries the prime minister typically tries to use this power to wrong-foot the opposition, whereas in continental Europe parliament typically runs its full term, unless major constitutional issues or political developments are seen to necessitate an election. Even then, long notice (perhaps of many months) is given. Of course, some parliaments in each zone (such as those of the United States, Norway and Switzerland) have a fixed term without possibility of premature dissolution.
See Peter Mair, ‘The limited impact of Europe on national party systems’, West European Politics 23:4 (2000), pp. 27–51.
Richard Sinnott, Irish Voters Decide: voting behaviour in elections and referendums since 1918 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1995), p. 295.
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© 2003 Palgrave Macmillan, a division of Macmillan Publishers Limited
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Coakley, J. (2003). The Election and the Party System. In: Gallagher, M., Marsh, M., Mitchell, P. (eds) How Ireland Voted 2002. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230379046_12
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230379046_12
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