Abstract
Decisions affecting NATO SNF policy were a secondary concern to larger questions regarding East-West relations, Alliance political management, INF deployment, and arms control between 1980 and 1987. National differences over these issues had to be accommodated in the INF negotiations. Those negotiations and the associated deployments set the political and military parameters for the SNF debate, and the tensions over other issues which manifested themselves in the negotiations created serious stresses for the nuclear responsibility bargain. This chapter demonstrates how these political strains manifested themselves in the INF negotiations. It also analyses the newly created Special Consultative Group (SCG) and its functions. Its responsibilities are outlined and suggestions made about what its operation tells us about the nature of nuclear arms control decision-making between the US, the UK and the FRG. Finally, the effects of INF negotiating decisions for SNF policy are investigated.
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Notes
For a good overview of German concerns see Chapter 1 of Barry M. Blechman and Cathleen Fisher (eds), The Silent Partner: West Germany and Arms Control (Cambridge MA: Ballinger Publishing Company, 1988), pp. 1–26.
Siegfried Buschschluter, ‘Brezhnev — More to Come’, The Guardian, 9 April 1981.
Jeffrey D. Boutwell, The German Nuclear Dilemma, (London: Brassey’s, 1990), pp. 128–58
Thomas Risse-Kappen, The Zero Option: INF, West Germany, and Arms Control (London: Westview Press, 1988), pp. 69–78. Hereafter referred to as The Zero Option.
See ‘The Zero Option’, The Times, 23 October 1981; see also Lawrence Freedman, ‘Limited War, Unlimited Protest’, Orbis, Spring 1982, pp. 89–103
Johan Jurgen Holst, Arms Control Revisited: An Exploratory Essay (Oslo: Norsk Utenrikspolitisk Institut, December 1981), p. 37
Joseph Joffe, ‘Revising the Zero Option’, Wall Street Journal, 27 January 1983, who makes the same argument while advocating an interim solution in place of the zero-option. This was also confirmed in interviews with Jennone Walker, and a State Department Policy Planning Staff member.
Margaret Thatcher, The Downing Street Years (London: HarperCollins, 1993), pp. 771, 472. For Mrs Thatcher’s private pressure for an interim agreement, see pp. 269–70.
This episode is subject to different descriptions, the accuracy of which is difficult to determine due to secrecy. See Strobe Talbott, The Master of the Game, Paul Nitze and the Nuclear Peace (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1988)
Strobe Talbott, ‘Playing Nuclear Poker’, Time, 31 January 1983
Caspar Weinberger, Fighting For Peace: Seven Critical Years at the Pentagon (London: Michael Joseph, 1990).
Henry Stanhope, ‘Pym Hint at Nuclear Compromise’, Daily Telegraph, 26 January 1983.
See William Drozdiak, ‘NATO Skirts Second Look at Nitze Plan’, International Herald Tribune, 27 May 1983
William Drozdiak, ‘Kohl Urges Re-Examination of ‘82 Arms Proposal’, International Herald Tribune 23–4 July 1983.
For an excellent analysis of this period and how relations were improved starting in 1984 see Don Oberdorfer, The Turn, How the Cold War came to an end, The United States and the Soviet Union, 1983–1990 (London: Jonathan Cape, 1992).
In addition to Reagan’s 16 January speech, the US began meeting with Soviet Foreign Minister Gromyko, and pushed an ambitious arms control agenda at the Stockholm CDE meeting. In April Vice-President Bush tabled a new draft chemical-weapons treaty, while MBFR and other negotiations continued. For the internal processes in Washington during this period, see George P. Shultz, Turmoil and Triumph: My Years as Secretary of State (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1993), pp. 463–486.
Before a visit to Moscow, Foreign Minister Genscher first consulted in Washington with Reagan and Shultz. See Bernard Gwertzman, ‘Bonn Says Soviet Cannot Expect Concessions Before Arms Talks’, New York Times, 8 May 1984, p. 8.
See Shultz, Turmoil and Triumph, pp. 487–519. The need to reconvene the negotiations is described in Chapter 20 of Paul Nitze, Ann M. Smith and Steven L. Rearden, From Hiroshima to Glasnost (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1989).
For the speech see Mikhail Gorbachev, ‘Statement by the General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee’, in For a Nuclear Free World (Moscow: Novosti, 1987), pp. 9–22.
Robert J. McCartney, ‘Kohl, Reagan to Meet Here Today’, The Washington Post, 21 October 1986, p. 25
David B. Ottaway, ‘Reagan, Greeting Kohl, Is Hopeful on Arms Pact’, The Washington Post, 22 October 1986, p. 31. Some in Bonn, though, believed that Reykjavik had been a breakthrough. Interview with senior BVMg official.
Gerald M. Boyd, ‘Reagan Tells Thatcher Meeting Cleared Way for Pact on Arms in Europe’, International Herald Tribune, 18–19 October 1986, p. 2; Sir George Younger told me that ‘She knew from Reykjavik onwards that he [Reagan] was not to be trusted unless nanny was with him, because she reckoned that the dear old chap had been run right up the garden path at Reykjavik.’(!)
William Drozdiak, ‘Kohl to Ask US for Arms Pledge’, International Herald Tribune, 24 May 1983.
The SPD by September openly supported the walk in the woods formula, was critical of the US handling of the negotiations, and stated that its ‘ultimate goal is to avoid the deployment of PII missiles’, according to their Parliamentary foreign affairs spokesman. See Karsten Voigt, ‘Hold Off on European Missiles’, New York Times, 9 September 1983
James M. Markham, ‘Bonn’s Socialists: Souring on NATO?’ New York Times, 21 October 1983, p. 3.
See Priscilla Painton, ‘Allies Back New US Arms Plan’, The Washington Post, 21 September 1983
Robert C. Toth, ‘US To Be Flexible on Three Points in Missile Talks’, Los Angeles Times, 20 September 1983.
William Dullforce and David Marsh, ‘US Proposes Treaty to Remove Medium-Range Missiles from Europe’, The Financial Times, 5 March 1987
Frances Williams, ‘US Edges Closer to Arms Agreement’, The Independent, 5 March 1987
Frances Williams, ‘W. Germany Opposes Shortening Missile Range’, The Washington Times, 3 April 1987, p. 10.
Former Chancellor Schmidt publicly supported the zero-option in late April. Helmut Schmidt, ‘The Zero Option Wouldn’t Leave the West Uncovered’, International Herald Tribune, 30 April 1987
Helmut Schmidt, ‘The Zero Solution: In the German Interest’, Atlantic Community Quarterly, 25:3, Fall 1987, pp. 244–252. Kenneth Adelman told me that effectively the allies were ‘trapped’, for they never opposed the zero-option in 1981 and signed communiqués supporting zero for five years.
Peter Pringle and Colin Brown, ‘Fears Over Missile Offer’, The Independent, 2 March 1987, p. 1.
Anthony Bevins and Mark Urban, ‘Reagan Makes New Offer on Missile Treaty’, The Independent, 4 March 1987.
Don Oberdorfer, ‘Shultz Cites Progress in Moscow Meetings’, The Washington Post, 16 April 1987, p. 1. Ambassador Glitman told me that he foresaw Gorbachev’s proposal a month earlier and notified Kohl and Genscher to expect it.
President Reagan made his position clear too, see Steven V. Roberts, ‘Reagan Says US will Step Up Push on Missile Accord’, New York Times, 19 April 1987, p. 1
Michael R. Gordon, ‘NATO’s Chief Urges Deployment in Europe of Short-Range Missiles’, International Herald Tribune, 22 April 1987. Interviews, Kenneth Adelman, Rozanne Ridgway.
Jim Hoagland, ‘Gorbachev Missile Ban: An Offer Hard to Refuse’, International Herald Tribune, 23 April 1987
Peter Bruce, ‘Kohl Aims to End Infighting over Soviet Missile Offer’, The Financial Times, 25 April 1987. This was confirmed in interviews by Rozanne Ridgway and Jennone Walker and by Shultz, Turmoil and Triumph, p. 899.
Barry James, ‘NATO Considers Arms Plan after Shultz Briefing’, International Herald Tribune, 17 April 1987.
David K. Shipler, ‘The Hard Part: Confronting Pentagon and NATO’, New York Times, 17 April 1987, p. 4.
See James M. Markham, ‘Kohl Party Officials Seek to Equalize Short-Range Arms’, International Herald Tribune, 22 April 1987.
Jim Hoagland, ‘Washington-Bonn: Bush is Burned by a Fire Reagan Started’, International Herald Tribune, 9 May 1989.
See John Witherow, ‘Thatcher Set to Back Soviet Weapons Deal’, The Sunday Times, 3 May 1987.
Helmut Kohl, ‘Security Interests must be Safeguarded in Arms Control Talks’, Report from the Federal Republic of Germany, 8 May 1987.
John Eisenhammer, ‘Bonn Warns NATO allies about Arms Deal Fall-Out’, The Independent, 14 May 1987.
John Eisenhammer, ‘Britain to Nudge Bonn towards Broad INF Deal’, The Independent, 13 May 1987.
Karen Deyoung, ‘Britain Says Soviet Missile Offer is Acceptable’, The Washington Post, 15 May 1987, p. 32
Karen Deyoung, ‘UK Says It Can Accept Soviet Plan’, International Herald Tribune, 15 May 1987
Robert Mauthner and David Buchan, ‘Britain Prepared to Accept Gorbachev’s “Double Zero Option”’, The Financial Times, 15 May 1987.
This exercise is documented by Elizabeth Pond, Beyond the Wall: Germany’s Road to Unification. (Washington DC: The Brookings Institution, 1993), pp. 51–2.
David Marsh, ‘Kohl May Compromise on Europe Missiles’, The Financial Times, 19 May 1987
David Marsh, ‘Kohl Puts His Foot In it’, The Economist, 23 May 1987, pp. 61–2
Jesse James, ‘Controversy At Short Range’, Arms Control Today, June 1987, pp. 11–15.
David Housego, ‘Mitterrand Supports “Double Zero Option” on Missiles’, The Financial Times, 22 May 1987
Peter Maass, ‘Reagan Determined on Arms Proposal, US Official Says’, International Herald Tribune, 22 May 1987.
Paul Lewis, ‘NATO Expected to Back Modified Arms Proposal’, International Herald Tribune, 23–4 May 1987.
Patricia Clough, ‘Right Unleashes Its Fury at Kohl’s Scrapping Offer’, The Independent, 28 May 1987.
Robert J. McCartney, ‘Bonn and Missiles: Hard Deal to Swallow’, International Herald Tribune, 5 June 1987. For a discussion of the coalition’s history regarding nuclear weapons, see Boutwell, The German Nuclear Dilemma, esp. Chapter 5.
James M. Markham, ‘Bonn Shows Signs of Wavering on Pershings’, International Herald Tribune, 25–6 July 1987.
Paul Lewis, ‘Shevardnadze Stands Firm on Removal of Pershings’, Interriational Herald Tribune, 7 August 1987.
Andrew Fisher, ‘Bonn Denies Talks Planned on Pershing 1As’, The Financial Times, 4 August 1987
Robert J. McCartney, ‘Bonn Proposes Package Deal To Eliminate Pershing Missile’, The Washington Post, 4 August 1987, p. 10
John Eisenhammer, ‘Allies Wary of W. German Solution to Arms Impasse’, The Independent, 5 August 1987.
Peter Bruce, ‘Bonn MP Hints at Change in Attitude to Pershing 1As’, The Financial Times, 14 August 1987.
Patricia Clough, ‘W German Offer on Pershings Improves Prospects for Pact’, The Independent, 27 August 1987
Robert J. McCartney, ‘Bonn Pledges to Scrap Missiles if US, Soviets Agree on Treaty’, The Washington Post, 27 August 1987, p. 1
Robert J. McCartney, ‘Kohl Pledges to Scrap Pershing-1A Missiles’, International Herald Tribune, 27 August 1987.
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© 1995 Palgrave Macmillan, a division of Macmillan Publishers Limited
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Halverson, T.E. (1995). INF Arms-Control Decision-Making and the Responsibility Bargain. In: The Last Great Nuclear Debate. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230377882_3
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