Abstract
The responses by the American, French, and British governments to the abduction of its citizens in Lebanon have underlined the inherent difficulty in striking a balance between their moral obligation towards providing safety and protection for their citizens abroad without having to sacrifice national interests in the conduct of foreign policy. While all three states have pursued a firmly held and coordinated public position of no-negotiations with terrorists and no-concessions to their demands in the Lebanese hostage-crisis, the reality of actual conduct behind this facade has revealed not only the conduct of secret negotiations, either directly with the Hizb’allah, Iran, and Syria or indirectly through third party intermediaries, over the release of hostages, at times resulting in complex and murky deals, but also that the hostage-issue was intimately influenced by the conduct of foreign policies by these Western states in the Middle East.2 Although the two Western European states and the United States have shared similar types of problems and challenges in efforts to manage and secure the extraction of its citizens from captivity in Lebanon, each individual state has pursued its own overt and covert policies to accomplish this task.
“Government is about crisis-management. Governments do not think.”1
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Notes for Chapter 5
See: Gilbert Guillaume, “France and the Fight Against Terrorism”, Terrorism and Political Violence, Vol.4, No.4 (Winter 1992): p. 134.
See: Jane Mayer and Doyle McManus, Landslide: The Unmaking of the President 1984–88 (Boston, MA.: Houghton Mifflin, 1988).
David C. Martin and John Walcott, Best Laid Plans: The Inside Story of America’s War Against Terrorism (New York, NY.: Harper Row, 1988): pp. 133–44.
The main offices of Iranian arms purchases in Europe were in London under the auspices of the Iranian National Oil Company, see: Hermann Moll, Broker of Death (London: Macmillan, 1988): p. 55.
See: George Joffe, “Iran, the southern Mediterranian and Europe: Terrorism and Hostages”, in Anoushiravan Ehteshami and Mansour Varasteh (eds.), (1993), op. cit.: p.80. An offer by Iran for renewal of British arms supplies to Iran, transferred via France, was rejected by the British government, see: Ma’aretz, 6 December 1987.
Iran was also displeased with Saudi Arabia’s conclusion of a $30 billion arms purchase agreement with Britain in mid-1988, see: Shireen T. Hunter, Iran and the World: Continuity in a Revolutionary Decade (Bloomington, IL.: Indiana University Press, 1990): pp. 63–78.
See: Michel Wieviorka, “French Politics and Strategy on Terrorism”, in Barry Rubin (ed.), The Politics of Counter-Terrorism: The Ordeal of Democratic States (Washington, DC.: John’s Hopkins Foreign Policy Institute, 1990): pp. 61–90.
Unattributable interview with U.S. counter-terrorism official, Washington DC, September 29, 1993. For a very useful analysis of CIA-activity in Lebanon, see: David Kennedy and Leslie Brunetta, Lebanon and the Intelligence Community, (Cambridge, MA.: JFK School of Government, Harvard University, 1988).
Robert Oakley, “International Terrorism”, Foreign Affairs, Vol. 65, No. 3 (1986).
Also see: Margaret G. Hermann and Charles F. Hermann, “Hostage Taking, the Presidency, and Stress”, in Walter Reich (ed.), (1990), op. cit.: pp.211–29.
Ronald D. Crelinsten, “Terrorism and the Media: Problems, Solutions, and Counterproblems”, Political Communication and Persuasion, Vol. 6, No. 3 (1989): p. 312.
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© 1997 Magnus Ranstorp
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Ranstorp, M. (1997). Western Responses to the Hostage-Crisis and Crisis-Management. In: Hizb’allah in Lebanon. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230377509_5
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230377509_5
Publisher Name: Palgrave Macmillan, London
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