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The Global Commons

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Abstract

As was shown in the preceding chapters, the environmental and developmental agendas are linked, not only at the institutional level, as in the UNCED agenda of 1992, or in consequence of the debt burden, but in everyday and obvious ways by the overwhelming impact of mass poverty on the ability of any society to maintain environmental standards that are taken for granted by the industrial powers. The explicit attempt to link the developmental and environmental agenda at UNCED was not new. The linkage reflected an attempt by the Third World countries to revive the debate on development that had failed by the 1990s.

Keywords

Carbon Dioxide Emission Ozone Layer Coastal State Outer Space Exclusive Economic Zone 
These keywords were added by machine and not by the authors. This process is experimental and the keywords may be updated as the learning algorithm improves.

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Notes

  1. 1.
    Quoted by Clyde Sanger, Ordering the Oceans (Zed, 1986), p. 158.Google Scholar
  2. 2.
    Sanger, op. cit., p. 158.Google Scholar
  3. 3.
    C. Pinto, ‘Towards a regime governing international public property’, in Antony J. Dolman, (ed.), Global Planning and Resources Management (London: Pergamon, 1980), p. 208.Google Scholar
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    Pinto, op. cit., p. 209.Google Scholar
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    See F. Berkes, (ed.), Common Property Resources, Ecology and Community Based Sustainable Development (Belhaven, 1989).Google Scholar
  6. 6.
    See G. Hardin, ‘The Tragedy of the Commons’, Science, Vol. 162, 1968, pp. 1243–8. Also G. Hardin and J. Baden, (eds), Managing the Commons (W. H. Freeman, 1978).Google Scholar
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    Susan J. Buck (Cox), ‘Multi jurisdictional resources: testing a typology of problem solving’, in Berkes, op. cit., pp. 127–8.Google Scholar
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    Creeping territoriality is coined and discussed by M. Imber, ‘International Institutions and the Common Heritage of Mankind, Sea, Space and Polar Regions’, in P. Taylor and A. J. Groom (eds), International Institutions at Work (Pinter, 1988), p. 150.Google Scholar
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    See Sanger, op. cit., pp. 70–89.Google Scholar
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    United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, 1982, Part XI, especially Articles 150–1.Google Scholar
  11. 11.
    Ibid., Articles 117–20, describe the obligations of states to practise conservation measures on the high-sea fish stocks. Annexe I, identifies seventeen species of highly migratory fish and cetaceans, for which states are obliged to observe conservation practices even within their exclusive economic zones, in effect creating rights and duties on states to conserve shared resources.Google Scholar
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    Agenda 21, op. cit., Chapter 17. 44.Google Scholar
  13. 13.
    Sanger, op. cit., pp. 48–52. For fuller discussion of the US decision not to sign, see A. Hollick, US Foreign Policy and the Law of the Sea (Princeton, 1981), and B. Oxman, D. Carson and C. Buderi, The Law of the Sea; a US policy dilemma (California Institute of Contemporary Studies, 1983).Google Scholar
  14. 14.
    The most generous extension of continental-shelf rights was allowed by a complex formula described in Article 76, paras 5, 6.Google Scholar
  15. 15.
    The role of the ISA and the revenue-sharing arrangements are contained in Part XI, especially Articles, 136, 137, 140, 150–63.Google Scholar
  16. 16.
    D. R. Denman, Markets Under the Sea? (Institute of Economic Affairs, 1984), makes the case for private property titles to the deep-seabed.Google Scholar
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    See C. Sanger, op. cit., pp. 48–55. See also the Republican Party Platform, 1984, p. 10, ‘The President [Reagan] decisively rejected the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea and embarked instead on a dynamic national oceans policy, animated by our traditional commitment to freedom of the seas. That pattern will be followed with respect to UN meddling in Antarctica and Outer Space.’Google Scholar
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    Safire, writing in The New York Times, is quoted by Sanger, op. cit., p. 51.Google Scholar
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    See United Nations, Convention on the Law of the Sea, 1982, Article 161.Google Scholar
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    For a full description of both the negotiation and terms of the regime, see Owen Greene, ‘Ozone Depletion: Implementing and Strengthening the Montreal Protocol’, in J. B. Poole and R. Guthrie (eds), verification Report 1992 (VERTIC, 1992), pp. 265–74.Google Scholar
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    Ibid., p. 269.Google Scholar
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    See A. Westing, (ed.) Environmental Warfare (SIPRI—Taylor and Francis, 1984), contains three chapters on ENMOD by Erno Meszaros, Jozef Goldblat and Allan S. Krass respectively.Google Scholar
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    Subrata Roy Chowdhury, ‘Permanent sovereignty over natural resources’, in K. Hossain and S. Roy Chowdhury, Permanent Sovereignty over Natural Resources in International Law (Pinter, 1984), p. 1.Google Scholar
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    Rachel McCleary, ‘The International Community’s Claim to Rights in Brazilian Amazonia’, Political Studies, Vol. XXXIX, December 1991, pp. 691–707.Google Scholar
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    Ibid., pp. 691–2.Google Scholar
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    Ibid., p. 706.Google Scholar
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    Statement by His Excellency Dr Mahatir Mohamed, Prime Minister of Malaysia, at UNCED, Rio, 13 June 1992. Source: Malaysian Mission to the United Nations, New York.Google Scholar
  28. 28.
    See World Commission on Environment and Development, Our Common Future (Oxford, 1986), p. 276. For full discussion of the common-heritage qualities of radio frequencies, see John Vogler, ‘Regimes and the Global Commons: Space, Atmosphere and Oceans’, in A. McGrew and P. Lewis, Global Politics (Polity Press, 1992), pp. 118–37.Google Scholar
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    The most extensive discussion of tradeable permits for carbon-dioxide emissions is contained in M. Grubb, ‘The greenhouse effect: negotiating targets’, International Affairs, Vol. 66, 1990, pp. 67–89.Google Scholar
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    The Independent, 10 October 1992.Google Scholar
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    Report of the United Nations Conference on the Human Environment (UN, 1972), p. 5.Google Scholar
  32. 32.
    Agenda 21, op. cit., Chapter 34, p. 252.Google Scholar

Copyright information

© Mark F. Imber 1994

Authors and Affiliations

  1. 1.University of St AndrewsUK

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