Abstract
The organisation of labour in proto-industrial textile production foreshadowed its organisation in capitalist industrial production, with an occupational interchange between the work of men and women that defined spinning as ‘skilled’ male work and weaving as ‘unskilled’ women’s work. Pinchbeck explained this in simple terms, suggesting that it was their physical strength that made male spinners numerically dominant and ‘skilled’ workers.1 But a singular explanation of physical strength as the sole criterion of occupational competence fails to recognise the significance of ascriptive criteria in defining the respective capabilities of men and women and the ways in which the advantages enjoyed by some workers, mainly men, can be utilised to reinforce and gain advantage, often at the expense of more vulnerable workers, mainly women. As the spinning machines became more complex, a sub-contracting system of labour organisation developed whereby the spinner directly employed several assistants (piecers), often his wife and/or children, paying for this out of his own piece-rate earnings. It was the replication of his paternal authority within the family within this supervisory role which defined the adult male as a spinner, and it was essentially their control over the recruitment to the ‘skilled’ ranks of the spinners that the direct employment of the piecers gave them that confirmed the spinners’ well paid and skilled status.
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Notes
Engels, F., The Condition of the Working Class in England, 1892, 1969 edn, 171, 173.
Friefield, M., ‘Technological Change and the “Self-Acting” Mule: a study of skill and the sexual division of labour’, Social History, 11, 3, 1986, 334–5.
Quoted by Smelser, N., Social Change and the Industrial Revolution, Chicago, 1959, p. 232.
Quoted by Taylor, B., Eve and the New Jerusalem, London, 1983, p. 114.
Perkin, H., The Origins of Modern English Society, London, 1969, 1972 edn, 218–52.
Hewitt, M., Wives and Mothers in Victorian Industry, 1958, p. 12.
Barrett, M., and Mcintosh, M., ‘The Family Wage’, in Whitelegg et al. (eds.), The Changing Experience of Women, Oxford, 1982, p. 74;
Hartmann, H., ‘The Unhappy Marriage of Marxism and Feminism: towards a more progressive union’ in Dale et al., Education and the State volume 11: Politics, Patriarchy and Practice, Lewes, 1981, p. 201.
Quoted by John, A., By the Sweat of Their Brow: women workers at Victorian coal mines, Beckenham, 1980, p. 57.
Preston Chronicle, 12/11/1853, 3; Bolton Chronicle and South Lancashire Advertiser, 10/12/1853, 8. The speeches of Ann and Margaret Fletcher are the only evidence I have found of support for the male breadwinner wage among weavers at this time, though they were more common later. See, for example, Rose, S. O., Limited Livelihoods: gender and class in nineteenth-century England, London, 1992, pp. 154–84.
Quoted in Hollis, P., Women in Public: the women’s movement 1850–1900, London, 1979, p. 76.
Schwarzkopf, J., Women in the Chartist Movement, London, 1991, p. 38.
The arguments of the main contributors to the debate on the reasons for these developments are summarised in Kirk, N., The Growth of Working-Class Reformism in Mid-Victorian Britain, Beckenham, 1985, pp. 1–31.
The Manchester Labour Society in Kirk, op. cit.-, Factory Inspector Leonard Horner, 1858, quoted in ibid., pp. 247, 270. Dutton, H. I. and King, J. E., ‘The Limits of Paternalism: the cotton tyrants of north Lancashire, 1836–1854’, Social History, 7, 1, 1982, 63–4.
Joyce, P., Work, Society and Politics: the culture of the factory in later Victorian England, London, 1980, 1982 edn.
Liddington, J., and Norris, J., One Hand Tied Behind Us: the rise of the women’s suffrage movement, 1978, pp. 58–9.
Taylor, op. cit., p. 80; Rendall, J., Introduction to Rendali, J., (ed.), Equal or Different: Women’s Politics 1800–1914, Oxford, 1987, p. 5.
Thompson, D., ‘Women and Nineteenth-Century Radical Politics: a lost dimension’, in Mitchell, J., and Oakley, A. (eds.), The Rights and Wrongs of Women, Harmondsworth, 1976, p. 137. Schwarzkopf similarly argues ‘decisive shifts in working-class women’s sexual behaviour’ and ‘apparently high rates’ of marital violence in the period around 1830 to the 1850s. Schwarzkopf, op. cit., pp. 32–3.
Burnett, J., Destiny Obscure, London, 1983, p. 218.
Roberts, E., Women’s Work 1840–1940, Basingstoke, 1988, p. 48.
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© 1997 Meg Gomersall
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Gomersall, M. (1997). Patriarchy Challenged? Women and Work in Nineteenth-century Industrial Lancashire. In: Working-class Girls in Nineteenth-century England. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230375376_2
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230375376_2
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