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Abstract

Spain’ s first official reaction to its exclusion from the European discussions on Marshall’ s offer was one of pride and feigned ignorance. It was ‘with discretion and sense of touch and speaking on own account’ that the Chargé d’Affaires in Washington was instructed to say the following: Spain, always ready for peaceful international collaboration, was less in need of aid than the rest of Europe. It would not accept Marshall aid if it conflicted with its national dignity and sovereignty. Spain had requested nothing and only aimed to be left in peace to continue its path toward ‘national unity and political perfection’ (sic).1 The Spanish government would only join the European Conference for Economic Cooperation (the so-called Paris Conference, July 1947) if officially invited, and, should it join the Conference, it would only collaborate in economic matters without assuming any political compromise. The government soon changed its attitude.

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Notes

  1. FRUS 1947 I, ‘US Assistance to Other Countries from the Standpoint of National Security. Report by the Joint Strategic Survey Committee’, 29 April, pp. 734–50. There has been too much eagerness to grasp any reference to strategic values in the attempt to create a comfortable continuum from 1947 to the US—Spanish agreement for military bases in 1953; Vinas, Los pactos secretos de Franco con Estados Unidos. Bases, ayuda econdmica, recortes de soberania (Barcelona, 1981);

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  2. and Brundu Olla, Ostracismo e Realpolitik. Gli Alleati e la Spagna franchista negli anni del dopoguerra (Cagliari, 1984).

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  3. MAE, Leg. 2309, exp. 4: Artajo to the Ambassador in Lisbon, 19 March 1948, and MNE-SE, RNP 2° P, A 60, M 381(B): ‘Resumo de conversa com Ambaixador de Espanha’ by the Secretary General of the Portuguese Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 23 March. For a general view on Portugal and the Marshall Plan see F. Rollo, Portugal e o Plano Marshall. Da rejeiçäo à solicitaçäo da ajuda financeira porte-americana (1947–1952) (Lisbon, 1994).

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  4. This time records and memoirs coincide: MAE, Leg. 2309, exp. 8: Artajo to Areilza, 2 April 1948, and Areilza, Memorias Exteriores, 1947–1964 (Barcelona, 1984) 52. For the most complete study on Argentina-Spain relations, Raman Rein, Franco-Peron Alliance: Relations Between Spain and Argentina, 1946–1955 (Pittsburgh, 1993 ).

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  5. A. Ballestero, Juan Antonio Suanzes, 1891–1977. ‘La politico industrial de la posguerra’ (Leon, 1993) 214.

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  6. R. Carr, Spain 1808–1975 2nd ed. (Oxford, 1982) 715 and 740.

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  7. As the Italian Embassy in Madrid reported to Rome on 3 April 1948, AS-MAE, Amb. Parigi, b. 413: ‘Spagna: Piano Marshall’, 4 May. In the memorandum of his conversation with Franco that Taylor sent to Truman on 1 April, this aspect was not mentioned; E. Di Nolfo, Vaticano e Stati Uniti 1939–1952. Dalle carte di Myron C. Taylor (Milan, 1978 ) 557–8.

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  8. Brouillon d’une note de synthèse’ by Jean Monnet, n/d, cit. by Ph. Mioche, ‘The Origins of the Monnet Plan’, EUI Working Paper 79, January 1984, p. 7.

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  9. B. Pollack, The Paradox of Spanish Foreign Policy. Spain’s International Relations from Franco to Democracy (London, 1987 ) 131.

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  10. J.M. Maravall, El desarrollo econômico y la clase obrera (Barcelona, 1985) 154.

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© 1998 Fernando Guirao Piñeyro

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Guirao, F. (1998). Was there an Alternative Course of Action?. In: Spain and the Reconstruction of Western Europe, 1945–57. St Antony’s Series. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230373914_7

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  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230373914_7

  • Publisher Name: Palgrave Macmillan, London

  • Print ISBN: 978-1-349-40270-0

  • Online ISBN: 978-0-230-37391-4

  • eBook Packages: Palgrave History CollectionHistory (R0)

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