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Abstract

While reviewing some of the human rights and humanitarian issues which are posing challenges to the sovereignty discourse, I have demonstrated how the rights of individuals and groups are gaining in stature with respect to state sovereignty. That is, empirical investigations of international law and state practice as well as normative and theoretical interrogations of the social purpose of the state have yielded a reconstruction of the loci of rights and authority which is much more ambiguous than the familiar constructions of state sovereignty. The state cannot claim to be the sole arbiter of proper conduct within a particular territorial expanse. Rather, it is subject to a wide array of restrictions on its conduct, particularly with regard to the treatment of individuals and groups.

At the current stage of inter-state relations,

the issue, in my view, is not so much of

humanitarian intervention but of humanitarian

access. Sadako Ogata1

We were so riveted to the problem of

sovereignty … but a country’s sovereignty

doesn’t give it the right to do what was

happening in the Sudan. US Official2

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  1. Following is a partial review of the recent literature: Howard Adelman, ‘Humanitarian Intervention: The Case of the Kurds’, International Journal of Refugee Law 4 (1 1992): pp. 4–38

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  38. However, some have argued that domestic political factors within the United States played a significant role in the timing, as well as the actual fact, of the intervention. Certainly, there was a long period of time before the intervention during which the US could have acted and did not. One might also point to the ‘CNN Effect’. That is, to many it appears that the United States and the rest of the world may only respond to humanitarian emergencies when the world media focus on a particular situation, showing graphic pictures on the evening news, thus leading to domestic pressure to ‘do something’. If this is so, then humanitarian responses will continue to be highly selective. However, it may also point to a situation where domestic pressure is felt on the international scene. Further, it may also force a partial reconceptualization of the way ‘state’ action actually occurs. That is, rather than just focusing analysis on how the apex of power in a particular country — presidents, prime ministers, etc. — reacts to a given humanitarian disaster, it may also be important to include the role of the media and publics as crucial determinants of foreign policy. To the extent that President Bush felt pressure to intervene in a situation where there were no ‘vital strategic interests’, this should be seen at least partly as an exercise in popular sovereignty, and the subsequent action as an expression of the will of the country as a whole. On the role of the media in humanitarian crises see Robert I. Rotberg and Thomas G. Weiss, eds, From Massacres to Genocide: The Media, Public Policy, and Humanitarian Crises, (Washington, DC: The Brookings Institution, 1996).

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  49. See Kurt Mills, ‘Humanitarian Intervention: Responding to the Situation in Ethiopia’, Occasional Paper 3:OP:3, Joan B. Kroc Institute for International Peace Studies, University of Notre Dame, Fall 1992, especially pp. 29–43. For an in-depth look at the role of humanitarian organizations in Ethiopia, see William DeMars, Helping People in a People’s War: Humanitarian Organizations and the Ethiopian Conflict, 1980–1988, Dissertation, Department of Government and International Studies, University of Notre Dame, 1993.

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  50. See Ibid. See also Bernard Kouchner and Mario Bettati, Le Devoir d’ingérence: peut-on les laisser mourir? (Paris: Denoël, 1987).

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  54. Of course, this ignores the question of ‘better’ according to whom. Presumably, it would be better according to the people who were engaging in the struggle for self-determination and not according to those who were intervening on their behalf. The intervening entity must ‘support the development of political forms perceived as just by… [the] indigenous populations’. Alan H. Goldman, ‘Foreign Intervention’, in Steven Luper-Foy, ed., Problems of International Justice, (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1988): p. 202.

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  55. These criteria are similar, but not identical, to criteria put forward by a number of other observers. See, for example, Bazyler, pp. 598–607; Barabara Harff, Genocide and Human Rights: International Legal and Political Issues, Vol. 20, No. 3, Monograph Series in World Affairs, (Denver: University of Denver, 1984): pp. 24–5; Sornarajah, especially pp. 73–7 (focuses on instances of self-determination and secession); Ramsbotham and Woodhouse, pp. 225–31

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  57. I have not addressed the question of monitoring or deciding when genocide or other gross violations of human rights are occurring. Recognizing, publicizing, and getting relevant decision-makers to recognize and act upon such abuses can be a complicated and sometimes politically-laden process. On defining and recognizing genocide see Helen Fein, ed., Genocide Watch, (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992). See also Harff, pp. 14–17 for some of the shortcomings of the definition of genocide in the Genocide Convention.

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© 1998 Kurt Mills

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Mills, K. (1998). Humanitarian Access and Intervention. In: Human Rights in the Emerging Global Order. International Political Economy Series. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230373556_5

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