Conservatism, Representation and Feminization

Abstract

Better representation for women in politics is often equated with the greater presence of women representatives in our political institutions. Underpinning this is an assumption, either implicit or explicit, that the first dimension of feminization begets the second; that the inclusion of women representatives engenders the inclusion of women’s issues (Lovenduski 2005a). In every day terms, that women politicians ‘make a difference’ to our politics and that women will be better represented as a consequence. Yet the difficulty of operationalizing that which is to be included is widely contested. Too often there is an implicit conflation between ‘women’s’ and ‘feminist’ issues and perspectives which implies that the difference that will occur will be a feminist one. In turn this might generate debate about what constitutes feminism, again something that is marked by disagreement. Nor can the nature or extent of the inclusion of women’s issues (once it has been agreed on what this refers to) be easily read off from existing empirical studies of women’s political presence. Researchers often adopt different measures and employ a variety of research methods and designs, thereby, limiting comparability (Celis et al 2008; Dovi 2008: 154; Dodson 2006). So, at this point gender and politics scholars are not sure what difference women’s greater descriptive representation has made, even if we can be pretty confident that, on the basis of a number of studies, there is a link between women representatives and the addressing of women’s concerns (Lovenduski 2005a: 180; Childs 2008).

‘Feminine’, ‘Feminist’ or ‘Anti-feminist’ Politics?¹